Gesoel Mendes, Marta Ruda, Jana Willer-Gold, Boban Arsenijević, Bojana Ristić, Nermina Čordalija, Nedžad Leko, Frane Malenica, Franc Marušič, Irina Masnikosa, T. Milicev, N. Miliċeviċ, Petra Mišmaš, Ivana Mitić, B. Stankovič, Matea Tolić, Jelena Tusek, Anita Peti-Stantić, Andrew Nevins
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Abstract
In this article, we claim that syntactic objects undergoing ellipsis can be targeted by both narrow syntactic and PF operations. We base this conclusion on experimental evidence from the interaction between single conjunct agreement and verb-echo answers in South Slavic, which we show to be derived via verb-stranding VP ellipsis. Adopting the view that Vocabulary Insertion replaces Q-variables on lexical heads (Halle 1991) and ellipsis is a syntactic operation which deletes Q-variables (Saab 2022), we demonstrate that constituents properly included in the ellipsis site can undergo Internal Merge in the narrow syntax, and can participate in PF processes from the derived position. The interaction between ellipsis, Internal Merge and Agree-Copy that accounts for these patterns of data follows naturally within the Distributed Ellipsis approach.
期刊介绍：
Linguistic Inquiry leads the field in research on current topics in linguistics. This key resource explores new theoretical developments based on the latest international scholarship, capturing the excitement of contemporary debate in full-scale articles as well as shorter contributions (Squibs and Discussion) and more extensive commentary (Remarks and Replies).
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