From China’s “Political Meritocracy” to “Just Hierarchy”: the Elusive Search for a Viable Post-Democratic Governance Regime in the Era of Coronavirus

R. Mushkat
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Students of comparative constitutional design grapple with myriad complex normative and empirical issues. Prominent among them is the relative effectiveness of different governance regimes. Concerns stemming from the perceived malfunctioning of modern democracies have intensified efforts to diagnose and rectify the supposedly proliferating ills. The seemingly solid post-1978 Chinese record of steadily managing intricate societal challenges has highlighted the possible advantages of the country’s tightly controlled top-down institutional apparatus and its potential value as a model worth broadly exploring and even embracing on a meaningful scale. This view, authoritatively and vigorously articulated by an influential and prolific political philosopher and his academic associates, has evolved to a point whereby the Chinese constitutional order and contemporary experience are portrayed as being capable of fruitfully supplanting democratic structures or, alternatively, productively revitalising them. Yet, on the whole, this remains a controversial politico-legal proposition, conceptually problematic and lacking sufficient factual support.
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从中国的“政治精英政治”到“公正等级制度”:在新冠病毒时代寻找可行的后民主治理制度
比较宪法设计专业的学生努力解决无数复杂的规范和经验问题。其中最突出的是不同治理制度的相对有效性。人们对现代民主制度失灵的担忧加剧了诊断和纠正所谓扩散疾病的努力。1978年后,中国在稳步应对复杂社会挑战方面取得了看似稳固的记录,这突显了中国严格控制的自上而下的制度机构可能具有的优势,以及它作为一种值得广泛探索甚至在有意义的范围内接受的模式的潜在价值。这一观点由一位有影响力、多产的政治哲学家及其学术伙伴权威而有力地阐述,已经发展到中国宪法秩序和当代经验能够卓有成效地取代民主结构,或者富有成效地振兴民主结构的地步。然而,总的来说,这仍然是一个有争议的政治法律主张,在概念上存在问题,缺乏足够的事实支持。
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