Pub Date : 2017-10-23DOI: 10.14321/jstudradi.11.2.0201
J. Zumoff
T his book is a result of assiduous research, primarily in the archives of the Communist International (Comintern), in the former Soviet Union. Holger Weiss, a historian at the Abo Akademi University in Finland, traces the Comintern’s engagement with black radicalism, especially through the medium of the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers (ITUCNW). The work meticulously traces the first black Communist activists, English-speaking AfroCaribbean migrants in the United States, who became the core of black Comintern cadres. The study then proceeds to examine early Comintern attempts to recruit followers in West Africa, a task made difficult not only by the fact that most of Africa was under European colonization at the time but that the African labor movement was still in its birth stages, as well as the fact that few Communists had experience in Africa.
{"title":"Framing a Radical African Atlantic: African American Agency, West African Intellectuals and the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers by Holger Weiss (review)","authors":"J. Zumoff","doi":"10.14321/jstudradi.11.2.0201","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14321/jstudradi.11.2.0201","url":null,"abstract":"T his book is a result of assiduous research, primarily in the archives of the Communist International (Comintern), in the former Soviet Union. Holger Weiss, a historian at the Abo Akademi University in Finland, traces the Comintern’s engagement with black radicalism, especially through the medium of the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers (ITUCNW). The work meticulously traces the first black Communist activists, English-speaking AfroCaribbean migrants in the United States, who became the core of black Comintern cadres. The study then proceeds to examine early Comintern attempts to recruit followers in West Africa, a task made difficult not only by the fact that most of Africa was under European colonization at the time but that the African labor movement was still in its birth stages, as well as the fact that few Communists had experience in Africa.","PeriodicalId":39186,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Study of Radicalism","volume":"11 1","pages":"201 - 204"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43008140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-10-23DOI: 10.14321/jstudradi.11.2.0204
S. Stow
Weiss asserts that “this lack of engagement to some extent, at least, was rooted in various degrees of open or hidden ‘white chauvinism,’ if not racial attitudes among Western European Communists” and that Comintern attempts to recruit black people “had entered a cul-de-sac, if not backfired, by the end of 1929” (192). Yet little is said about the history of these “metropolitan parties,” so the reader is left wondering why there was such resistance among Communists to this work. Similarly, while Weiss seems to agree with several recent scholars that the value of the Comintern’s work among black radicals was less the gains it brought to the Communist movement and more that it helped cohere a “black international” of activists, the lack a broader examination of black radicalism makes it hard to evaluate this view. Finally, as a former copyeditor, this reviewer feels compelled to note that there are numerous proofreading and copyediting errors (e.g., the American Negro Labor Congress is repeatedly abbreviated as “ANCL”). While one could, perhaps, excuse a lack of editing in an underground Communist newspaper, it is a different matter for a book of such heft and price. None of these criticisms should obscure the value of this book. Research libraries will need to get this book. Historians and students researching Communist work among people of African descent, or the Comintern more broadly, will need to read it.
{"title":"Radicalism and Music: An Introduction to the Music Cultures of al-Qa'ida, Racist Skinheads, Christian-Affiliated Radicals, and Eco-Animal Rights Militants by Jonathan Pieslak (review)","authors":"S. Stow","doi":"10.14321/jstudradi.11.2.0204","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14321/jstudradi.11.2.0204","url":null,"abstract":"Weiss asserts that “this lack of engagement to some extent, at least, was rooted in various degrees of open or hidden ‘white chauvinism,’ if not racial attitudes among Western European Communists” and that Comintern attempts to recruit black people “had entered a cul-de-sac, if not backfired, by the end of 1929” (192). Yet little is said about the history of these “metropolitan parties,” so the reader is left wondering why there was such resistance among Communists to this work. Similarly, while Weiss seems to agree with several recent scholars that the value of the Comintern’s work among black radicals was less the gains it brought to the Communist movement and more that it helped cohere a “black international” of activists, the lack a broader examination of black radicalism makes it hard to evaluate this view. Finally, as a former copyeditor, this reviewer feels compelled to note that there are numerous proofreading and copyediting errors (e.g., the American Negro Labor Congress is repeatedly abbreviated as “ANCL”). While one could, perhaps, excuse a lack of editing in an underground Communist newspaper, it is a different matter for a book of such heft and price. None of these criticisms should obscure the value of this book. Research libraries will need to get this book. Historians and students researching Communist work among people of African descent, or the Comintern more broadly, will need to read it.","PeriodicalId":39186,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Study of Radicalism","volume":"11 1","pages":"204 - 206"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45790907","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-10-23DOI: 10.14321/JSTUDRADI.11.2.0211
Irina Gigova
acters have names, nor are the cities or years pinpointed; narrated in the third person, these sketches are rendered as templates that the reader can hopefully apply to his or her life in order to finally understand the mechanisms at work behind the misery or oppression experience in an everyday context” (51). Because much of Rafanelli’s writing used in this book is fictional and is not constricted by time or place, Pakieser’s audience is able to consider the key concepts of religion, feminism, and anarchism in a current context, which seems to be a reasonable extension of Rafanelli’s intention when writing the pieces. In writing this biography, Andrea Pakieser not only provides an insight into a fascinating woman’s life and work, she also contributes meaningfully to current cultural debates regarding religion, feminism, and politics. For those who are not familiar with Leda Rafanelli, this biography provides an important and enjoyable introduction to and history of nontraditional views and activism, which seems to be of endless interest in today’s world. This biography is an excellent starting point for anyone interested in exploring feminism, religion, or politics through contradictory contexts, and it nevertheless advocates for the imbrication of one’s own beliefs, regardless of whether or not cultural norms support such interpretations or applications.
{"title":"The Left Side of History: World War II and the Unfulfilled Promise of Communism in Eastern Europe by Kristen Ghodsee (review)","authors":"Irina Gigova","doi":"10.14321/JSTUDRADI.11.2.0211","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14321/JSTUDRADI.11.2.0211","url":null,"abstract":"acters have names, nor are the cities or years pinpointed; narrated in the third person, these sketches are rendered as templates that the reader can hopefully apply to his or her life in order to finally understand the mechanisms at work behind the misery or oppression experience in an everyday context” (51). Because much of Rafanelli’s writing used in this book is fictional and is not constricted by time or place, Pakieser’s audience is able to consider the key concepts of religion, feminism, and anarchism in a current context, which seems to be a reasonable extension of Rafanelli’s intention when writing the pieces. In writing this biography, Andrea Pakieser not only provides an insight into a fascinating woman’s life and work, she also contributes meaningfully to current cultural debates regarding religion, feminism, and politics. For those who are not familiar with Leda Rafanelli, this biography provides an important and enjoyable introduction to and history of nontraditional views and activism, which seems to be of endless interest in today’s world. This biography is an excellent starting point for anyone interested in exploring feminism, religion, or politics through contradictory contexts, and it nevertheless advocates for the imbrication of one’s own beliefs, regardless of whether or not cultural norms support such interpretations or applications.","PeriodicalId":39186,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Study of Radicalism","volume":"11 1","pages":"211 - 213"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42370990","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-10-23DOI: 10.14321/jstudradi.11.2.0206
Voichiţa Năchescu
example, the role that music played in the girding of Anders Brevik for the 2011 mass murder he carried out at a Labor Party youth camp in Norway in which 69 people died. Likewise, he offers a similar set of observations about the role that music continues to play in the self-programming of Islamic extremists, up to and including its part in acts of suicidal terrorism. It should, perhaps, be noted, however, that the chapter on Islamic radicalism suffers in comparison to the other three case studies— it is telling that it is the shortest of these chapters. This is, no doubt, a product of the problem of access. It might have been better to end rather than open with this case study, allowing the insights derived from the other three to cast critical light upon it. This is, nevertheless, a small complaint about an otherwise excellent book. Pieslak concludes with a set of reflections on the power of music to serve the interests of these different political groups, and gestures toward future study. In the final paragraph of the book, he points to the danger that lies “in assuming that music cannot be dangerous” (252). What might, in abstract, sound like the observations of an Allan Bloom or Tipper Gore gains credence from the preceding analysis. One can but hope that such future study is carried out with the care, nuance, and sagacity of this author.
{"title":"Radicals on the Road: Internationalism, Orientalism, and Feminism during the Vietnam Era by Judy Tzu-Chun Wu (review)","authors":"Voichiţa Năchescu","doi":"10.14321/jstudradi.11.2.0206","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14321/jstudradi.11.2.0206","url":null,"abstract":"example, the role that music played in the girding of Anders Brevik for the 2011 mass murder he carried out at a Labor Party youth camp in Norway in which 69 people died. Likewise, he offers a similar set of observations about the role that music continues to play in the self-programming of Islamic extremists, up to and including its part in acts of suicidal terrorism. It should, perhaps, be noted, however, that the chapter on Islamic radicalism suffers in comparison to the other three case studies— it is telling that it is the shortest of these chapters. This is, no doubt, a product of the problem of access. It might have been better to end rather than open with this case study, allowing the insights derived from the other three to cast critical light upon it. This is, nevertheless, a small complaint about an otherwise excellent book. Pieslak concludes with a set of reflections on the power of music to serve the interests of these different political groups, and gestures toward future study. In the final paragraph of the book, he points to the danger that lies “in assuming that music cannot be dangerous” (252). What might, in abstract, sound like the observations of an Allan Bloom or Tipper Gore gains credence from the preceding analysis. One can but hope that such future study is carried out with the care, nuance, and sagacity of this author.","PeriodicalId":39186,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Study of Radicalism","volume":"11 1","pages":"206 - 209"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48914857","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-10-23DOI: 10.14321/JSTUDRADI.11.2.0161
Nick J. Sciullo
{"title":"George Jackson's December 1964 Letter to His Father: Agency from within the Prison Walls","authors":"Nick J. Sciullo","doi":"10.14321/JSTUDRADI.11.2.0161","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14321/JSTUDRADI.11.2.0161","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39186,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Study of Radicalism","volume":"11 1","pages":"161 - 182"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46837490","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-09-01DOI: 10.14321/JSTUDRADI.11.2.0001
Michael Loadenthal
B eginning in the 1960s, a political movement emerged that advanced a radically new critique of environmental and animal use practices. These new ideological tendencies were characterized by a shift not only in philosophical outlook but also in language and collective practice. This time period is often associated with the founding of the deep ecology framework, authored by Arne Naess in 1973, replacing the environmental protectionism of the past, as well as notions of animal liberation, inspired by a 1975 book of the same title by Peter Singer. Just as Singer’s notion of liberation replaced previously popular notions of animal welfare or rights, the groups that formed during this time replaced previously dominant strategies of aboveground popular protest with that of self-guided, clandestine, autonomous units. These new revolutionary frameworks—serving to challenge state authority and notions of property rights—were quickly adopted by emergent groups, which began to use sabotage, vandalism, and arson. In 1963, the Hunt Saboteurs Association was formed, dedicated to physically disrupting hunting expeditions, often taking the form of sabotage and provocation. In the early 1970s, several activists decided to shift their tactical focus after working with a hunt saboteur movement. In 1972, the Band of Mercy (BOM) formed in England as the outgrowth of a desire for a new praxis that prioritized MICHAEL LOADENTHAL
{"title":"\"Eco-Terrorism\": An Incident-Driven History of Attack (1973–2010)","authors":"Michael Loadenthal","doi":"10.14321/JSTUDRADI.11.2.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14321/JSTUDRADI.11.2.0001","url":null,"abstract":"B eginning in the 1960s, a political movement emerged that advanced a radically new critique of environmental and animal use practices. These new ideological tendencies were characterized by a shift not only in philosophical outlook but also in language and collective practice. This time period is often associated with the founding of the deep ecology framework, authored by Arne Naess in 1973, replacing the environmental protectionism of the past, as well as notions of animal liberation, inspired by a 1975 book of the same title by Peter Singer. Just as Singer’s notion of liberation replaced previously popular notions of animal welfare or rights, the groups that formed during this time replaced previously dominant strategies of aboveground popular protest with that of self-guided, clandestine, autonomous units. These new revolutionary frameworks—serving to challenge state authority and notions of property rights—were quickly adopted by emergent groups, which began to use sabotage, vandalism, and arson. In 1963, the Hunt Saboteurs Association was formed, dedicated to physically disrupting hunting expeditions, often taking the form of sabotage and provocation. In the early 1970s, several activists decided to shift their tactical focus after working with a hunt saboteur movement. In 1972, the Band of Mercy (BOM) formed in England as the outgrowth of a desire for a new praxis that prioritized MICHAEL LOADENTHAL","PeriodicalId":39186,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Study of Radicalism","volume":"11 1","pages":"1 - 33"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45099911","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-09-01DOI: 10.14321/JSTUDRADI.11.2.0183
Jack Taylor, M. Shipley
R amona Africa remains an active and vocal member of MOVE, a family of strong, serious, and deeply committed revolutionaries that was created and organized by John Africa in 1972. A predominantly African American interracial coalition of activists makes up MOVE’s constituents. As this interview demonstrates, MOVE was concerned not only with the black liberation struggle but also with animal and environmental rights, economic justice, and police brutality. MOVE centers their political and spiritual philosophy on “Life”—the force behind all living and sentient beings. In 1985, concerned with MOVE’s revolutionary activities, police bombed the communal house MOVE shared. One of the two survivors of the shooting and bombing, Ramona Africa, continues to advance the causes of the MOVE organization while also seeking freedom for the MOVE 9, members of MOVE imprisoned since 8 August 1978. In this interview, Morgan Shipley, Jack Taylor, and Ramona Africa discuss, among other things, the importance of life for MOVE’s political philosophy, the organization’s relationship with the broad counterculture of the 1960s (topics range from the Black Panther Party to the hippies), and their concern for animal and environmental justice. To quote from her essay “Long Live John Africa!”: “You can only be a revolutionary if you understand and believe in the principle of freedom, not in categories but the totality of the principle of freedom . . . JACK TAYLOR AND MORGAN SHIPLEY
R amona Africa仍然是MOVE的活跃成员，MOVE是由John Africa于1972年创建和组织的一个由坚强、严肃和坚定的革命者组成的家庭。一个主要由非裔美国人组成的跨种族活动家联盟构成了MOVE的选民。正如这次采访所表明的那样，MOVE不仅关注黑人解放斗争，还关注动物和环境权利、经济正义和警察暴行。他们的政治和精神哲学以“生命”为中心——生命是一切生物和众生背后的力量。1985年，出于对MOVE的革命活动的关注，警察轰炸了MOVE的公共住宅。枪击和爆炸事件的两名幸存者之一拉蒙娜·阿非利加继续推进“移徙运动”组织的事业，同时也为自1978年8月8日以来被监禁的“移徙运动”成员寻求自由。在这次采访中，Morgan Shipley, Jack Taylor和Ramona Africa讨论了生命对于MOVE政治哲学的重要性，该组织与20世纪60年代广泛的反主流文化(主题范围从黑豹党到嬉皮士)的关系，以及他们对动物和环境正义的关注。引用她的文章《非洲约翰万岁!》“只有当你理解并相信自由的原则，而不是范畴，而是自由原则的整体，你才能成为一名革命者……”杰克·泰勒和摩根·希普利
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Pub Date : 2017-04-11DOI: 10.14321/JSTUDRADI.11.1.0201
D. Walton
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Pub Date : 2017-04-11DOI: 10.14321/JSTUDRADI.11.1.0113
Vasiliki Petsa
C ombined considerations of the terms “political violence” and “fiction” normally fall within two contiguous research fields, each employing disparate theoretical frameworks, methodological tools, and sets of questions. Scholars from disciplines as diverse as political sociology, cultural studies, and cultural anthropology attempting to move beyond absolutist or deceptively objectivist accounts of violence focus on its status as a variable, contextually specific discursive construction pertinent to politically motivated narratives. The second approach deals with representations of political violence in various cultural forms and genres (films, theater productions, novels, etc.), raising questions regarding the fictionalization of contested histories and audience/reader responses. Viewing literature as a specific embodiment of “cultural memory,” we hold that, despite being an ideologically overdetermined form of social discourse, it also serves as a “medium for observing the production of cultural memory” regarding, in our case, leftwing disobedience in the wake of a traumatic past. Staging a “production of a production,” in other words constituting “ideology to the second power,” literary texts don’t mirror social reality or history, but, as attentive critiques can reveal, they hold a mirror against ideology, VASILIKI PETSA
{"title":"Memory, Revenge, and Political Violence: Two Case Studies in Greek Fiction","authors":"Vasiliki Petsa","doi":"10.14321/JSTUDRADI.11.1.0113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14321/JSTUDRADI.11.1.0113","url":null,"abstract":"C ombined considerations of the terms “political violence” and “fiction” normally fall within two contiguous research fields, each employing disparate theoretical frameworks, methodological tools, and sets of questions. Scholars from disciplines as diverse as political sociology, cultural studies, and cultural anthropology attempting to move beyond absolutist or deceptively objectivist accounts of violence focus on its status as a variable, contextually specific discursive construction pertinent to politically motivated narratives. The second approach deals with representations of political violence in various cultural forms and genres (films, theater productions, novels, etc.), raising questions regarding the fictionalization of contested histories and audience/reader responses. Viewing literature as a specific embodiment of “cultural memory,” we hold that, despite being an ideologically overdetermined form of social discourse, it also serves as a “medium for observing the production of cultural memory” regarding, in our case, leftwing disobedience in the wake of a traumatic past. Staging a “production of a production,” in other words constituting “ideology to the second power,” literary texts don’t mirror social reality or history, but, as attentive critiques can reveal, they hold a mirror against ideology, VASILIKI PETSA","PeriodicalId":39186,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Study of Radicalism","volume":"11 1","pages":"113 - 134"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44067990","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-04-11DOI: 10.14321/JSTUDRADI.11.1.0025
Choon-ib Lee
O n 9 October 1969, about 50–70 women from the Weatherman gathered at Grant Park in Chicago to march toward the city’s Armed Forces Induction Center. The Weatherman was made up of extremists from the national New Left group, Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), and was later referred to as the “Weather Underground.” The Weatherwomen, including Bernardine Dohrn, Cathy Wilkerson, and Diana Oughton, had planned to shut down the draft board office as an antiwar demonstration. They were wearing helmets, heavy gloves, and boots and were carrying Vietcong flags—a few women were even holding wooden sticks and pipes. Facing hundreds of police, they could go no farther than half a block, and a dozen women were arrested. At the park, Dohrn distinguished the Weatherwomen’s march from the actions of the feminists, saying, “We’re not picketing in front of bra factories . . . This is not a self-indulgent bullshit women’s movement.” Reminding the public of the anti–Miss America Pageant protestors in the previous year—called “bra burners” by the media—the Weatherwomen demanded women’s strength and courage as revolutionaries, fighting for antiracism, anti-imperialism, and antisexism rather than for women’s issues alone. This article focuses on those revolutionary women, especially Weatherwomen: what women’s liberation CHOONIB LEE
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