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Confidence as a Buffer Against Covid-19 Stigma: Enhancing Employee Engagement Among Recovered Individuals 自信是抵御 Covid-19 耻辱的缓冲器:提高康复者的员工参与度
Pub Date : 2024-07-16 DOI: 10.52015/jrss.12i2.256
Fatima Ashraf
Quality of work life (QWL) is important for individual and organizational success.  Post-pandemic times have brought the challenge of declined, yet continued Covid-19 cases among the working Pakistani population. Stigma due to Covid-19 and thus deteriorated QWL in such individuals is plausible. Hence, elucidating factors that enhance the possible damaged quality of work life among Covid-19 stigmatized individuals remains an essential question for managers and practitioners. Drawing on the Social Identity theory, we hypothesize that QWL is damaged in Covid-19 recovered, stigmatized working individuals through deterioration in self-esteem as such individuals are prone to influences from the societal groups that they psychologically identify with. We also argue that self-efficacy buffers this negative effect. Albeit several researches have probed into relations of QWL with stigma-related antecedents and moderation and mediation mechanisms that underlie these effect, but this study investigates self-esteem and self-efficacy as mediator and moderator, respectively, of the Covid-19 related stigma and quality of work life relationship through the lens of the Social Identity Theory. Employing a correlational framework using purposive sampling, we obtained data from 133 working individuals who had been tested positive with Covid-19 in public and private hospitals and health centers of Pakistan during November 2022 – November 2023, had completely recovered and joined their professional lives. Results confirmed study hypotheses, suggesting that stigma related to Covid-19 damages QWL, this relationship is mediated by self-esteem, while self-efficacy buffers the relationship between Covid-19 related stigma and self-esteem. Such individuals and their managers need to collaboratively work in order to reduce effects of this stigma, and undo its damaging effects on self-esteem and QWL. In this regard, boosting self-efficacy plays a supporting role as it acts as a coping mechanism in the inter-play between Covid-19 stigma, self-esteem, and QWL.
工作生活质量(QWL)对个人和组织的成功都很重要。 大流行后,巴基斯坦劳动人口中的 Covid-19 病例有所减少,但仍在持续,这给我们带来了挑战。因 Covid-19 而产生的耻辱感,从而导致这些人的 QWL 恶化是有道理的。因此,对于管理者和从业人员来说,阐明哪些因素可以提高因 Covid-19 而蒙受耻辱的人可能受到损害的工作生活质量,仍然是一个至关重要的问题。借鉴社会认同理论,我们假设,Covid-19 回归者、被鄙视的工作个体的工作生活质量会因自尊心的下降而受损,因为这些个体很容易受到他们在心理上认同的社会群体的影响。我们还认为,自我效能感可以缓冲这种负面影响。尽管已有多项研究探讨了工作生活质量与成见相关前因的关系,以及这些影响的调节和调解机制,但本研究通过社会认同理论的视角,探讨了自尊和自我效能分别作为 Covid-19 相关成见与工作生活质量关系的调解因子和调节因子的问题。我们采用目的性抽样的相关框架,从 2022 年 11 月至 2023 年 11 月期间在巴基斯坦公立和私立医院及卫生中心接受 Covid-19 检测呈阳性、已完全康复并投入职业生活的 133 名在职人员中获取数据。研究结果证实了研究假设,即与 Covid-19 相关的耻辱感会损害 QWL,这种关系是由自尊中介的,而自我效能则缓冲了与 Covid-19 相关的耻辱感和自尊之间的关系。这些人和他们的管理者需要共同努力,以减少这种成见的影响,并消除其对自尊和 QWL 的破坏性影响。在这方面,提高自我效能起到了辅助作用,因为它是 Covid-19 耻辱、自尊和 QWL 之间相互作用的一种应对机制。
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引用次数: 0
Meta-Analysis Study: Expectations of 21st Century Teaching from Pre-Service Teacher Education Programs 元分析研究:职前教师教育课程对 21 世纪教学的期望
Pub Date : 2024-07-16 DOI: 10.52015/jrss.12i2.268
Huma Kausar, Dr. Fouzia Ajmal
This study aims to investigate the expectations of 21st-century teaching from pre-service teacher education programs and to analyze the contemporary status of pre-service teacher education programs in developing 21st-century teaching skills among prospective teachers. The meta-analysis method was used to analyze previously conducted studies in the context of 21st-century teaching. The findings reveal that, to some extent, pre-service teacher education programs contribute to developing the 21st-century teaching skills by imparting theoretical knowledge, but there is a gap in the application of theory and pedagogical practices. Consequently, there is a pressing need to reconsider the pre-service teacher education programs to inculcate the essential teaching skills for 21st-century, such as collaborative learning, reflective thinking, social and emotional competencies, adaptive skills, communication skills, creativity and entrepreneurship skills, critical thinking, problem-solving skills, and ICT skills for teaching and social networking.
本研究旨在调查职前教师教育项目对 21 世纪教学的期望,并分析职前教师教育项目在培养准教师 21 世纪教学技能方面的现状。本研究采用元分析方法,对以往开展的 21 世纪教学研究进行了分析。研究结果表明,在一定程度上,职前教师教育课程通过传授理论知识促进了 21 世纪教学技能的培养,但在理论应用和教学实践方面还存在差距。因此,迫切需要重新考虑职前教师教育课程,以灌输 21 世纪的基本教学技能,如协作学习、反思性思维、社会和情感能力、适应技能、沟通技能、创造力和创业技能、批判性思维、解决问题的技能以及用于教学和社交网络的信息和通信技术技能。
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引用次数: 0
Cyber Security Threats to Iran and its Countermeasures: Defensive and Offensive Cyber Strategies 伊朗面临的网络安全威胁及其对策:防御性和进攻性网络战略
Pub Date : 2024-07-16 DOI: 10.52015/jrss.12i2.271
Syed Qandil Abbas, Hareem Fatima
Iran's convoluted geopolitical status, its centrality to locale-specific wars, plus the shifting balance of the global order make cyber security a key issue worldwide in addition to traditional security challenges. Iran is an appealing target for cyber enemies due to its numerous security vulnerabilities, which include ransomware infection, scams, as well as complicated malware. Iran has taken a flexible stance, via collaboration, authorized, and intellectual tactics to counter these concerns. Forming cyber security teams, utilizing the latest innovations, and hiring competent employees are all examples of efforts in cyber defense. Legislative structures are essential for bringing criminals before the law and discouraging unlawful behaviour, but the dynamic nature of cyber threats makes it difficult to update rules. The goal is to keep information security and safety measures under check. The identification and mitigation of cyber dangers necessitate collaboration with various nations, global organizations, and corporations. Iran's cyberspace involvement shapes societal sentiment and upholds the will of the people, with both advantageous and hazardous repercussions. To bolster its application and balance its powerful adversaries, it employs cyber assaults in conjunction with conventional asymmetrical combat strategies. What is Iran's main cyber security concerns and challenges, and how is Iran addressing as well as tackling them, is the question that this study aims to answer.
伊朗错综复杂的地缘政治地位、其在局部战争中的中心地位以及全球秩序平衡的变化,使网络安全成为传统安全挑战之外的全球关键问题。伊朗的安全漏洞众多,包括勒索软件感染、诈骗和复杂的恶意软件,因此成为网络敌人的攻击目标。伊朗采取了灵活的立场,通过合作、授权和智力策略来应对这些问题。组建网络安全团队、利用最新的创新技术、聘用有能力的员工,这些都是网络防御工作的实例。立法结构对于将罪犯绳之以法和阻止非法行为至关重要,但网络威胁的动态性质使得规则难以更新。我们的目标是对信息安全和安全措施进行监控。要识别和减少网络危险,就必须与各国、全球组织和企业合作。伊朗对网络空间的参与影响着社会情绪,维护着人民的意愿,既有利也有弊。为了加强其应用并制衡强大的对手,伊朗将网络攻击与传统的非对称作战战略相结合。伊朗的主要网络安全问题和挑战是什么,伊朗如何应对和解决这些问题,是本研究要回答的问题。
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引用次数: 0
The Over-Politicization of Russian Battlefield Strategy in Ukraine 俄罗斯乌克兰战场战略的过度政治化
Pub Date : 2024-07-16 DOI: 10.52015/jrss.12i2.266
Usman Haider, Dr. Nasir Mehmood, Julian Schofield
The extant literature lavishes its focus on understanding Russia’s motivation for starting a war against Ukraine and on the broader question of the role of technology in determining the outcome of war. This article, however, undertakes a comprehensive examination of the relatively ignored yet important aspect of adapting military strategy during the war through Russian experience. It demonstrates that the Russian strategists have shown adequate appreciation for the principle of adaptation in formulating military strategy. To this effect, it identifies and explains three distinct sequential adaptations in the Russian military strategy during the ongoing Ukrainian war. The analysis, conducted with thoroughness and rigor, demonstrates that the Russian armed forces made a relatively quicker transition from the show of force to offense to defense. It also delves into the factors that drove these adaptations. This research has implications for both theory and policy. On the theoretical side, it reinforces the organic relationship between strategy and war. On the policy side, it highlights the importance of adapting military strategy to contain and limit the scope of war.  
现有文献的重点在于理解俄罗斯发动对乌克兰战争的动机,以及技术在决定战争结果中的作用这一更广泛的问题。然而,本文通过俄罗斯的经验,对战争期间军事战略调整这一相对被忽视但却很重要的方面进行了全面研究。文章表明,俄罗斯的战略家们在制定军事战略时充分重视了适应性原则。为此,报告指出并解释了俄罗斯在乌克兰战争期间军事战略中的三种不同的顺序性调整。透彻严谨的分析表明,俄罗斯军队较快地完成了从炫耀武力到进攻再到防御的转变。研究还深入探讨了推动这些调整的因素。这项研究对理论和政策都有影响。在理论方面,它强化了战略与战争之间的有机关系。在政策方面,它强调了调整军事战略以遏制和限制战争范围的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Civilizations at Odds: The Persistent Conflict Between Israel and Palestine 不同文明的对立:以色列与巴勒斯坦之间的持续冲突
Pub Date : 2024-07-16 DOI: 10.52015/jrss.12i2.262
Maria Mansab
The question whether the issues in the Middle East stem from a clash of values or from Western imperialist intervention has long been a subject of scholarly discourse. This article posits around the discourse of ‘clash of civilizations’, which is an endeavor to uphold Western hegemony in the Middle East. Furthermore, it contends the narrative, that it functions as a self-fulfilling prophecy, exacerbating ongoing conflicts within the region. A complex interplay of factors encompassing ethnic, national, historical, and religious shapes the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The degree to which religion influences non-religious players, the identities of conflicting parties, the practical issues at hand, the relevant legislation, and their attitudes are not well acknowledged. This paper explains why West uses a distorted portrayal of conflicting civilizations as a powerful political tool and the risk of this narrative becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy that reshapes modern politics. 
长期以来,中东问题是源于价值观冲突还是源于西方帝国主义干预一直是学术界讨论的主题。本文围绕 "文明冲突 "这一论点展开论述,旨在维护西方在中东的霸权地位。此外,文章还论证了这一说法,认为它是一种自我实现的预言,加剧了该地区持续不断的冲突。种族、民族、历史和宗教等各种因素的复杂相互作用形成了以巴冲突。宗教对非宗教参与者的影响程度、冲突各方的身份、当前的实际问题、相关立法以及他们的态度都没有得到很好的认识。本文解释了西方为何将对冲突文明的歪曲描绘作为一种强有力的政治工具,以及这种叙事成为重塑现代政治的自我实现的预言的风险。
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引用次数: 0
Iran-Saudi Arabia Diplomatic Relations and China's Role in Regional Politics 伊朗-沙特阿拉伯外交关系与中国在地区政治中的作用
Pub Date : 2024-01-11 DOI: 10.52015/jrss.12i1.247
Muhammad Bilal, Sajida Begum, Amina Farooq
This article examines the latest diplomatic developments between Saudi Arabia and Iran and China’s role in regional politics. The study explores the historical context of these nations’ harsh diplomatic relations and the different concerns that have pursued the latest diplomatic warmth. Moreover, it explores China’s enhancing engagement in the Middle East, specifically its growing financial and strategic relations with Saudi Arabia and Iran, and the impression of this on regional political order. This research is the result of an analysis of both primary and secondary sources, involving official data, and academic and media reports. The results suggest that the improvising relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran have the courage to incorporate stability into International Politics, while China’s contribution to regional order can give a new arena for support and development. This article yields with recommendations for relevant stakeholders and political actors in leading stability and peace in the Gulf.
本文探讨了沙特阿拉伯与伊朗之间的最新外交动态以及中国在地区政治中的作用。研究探讨了这两个国家严酷外交关系的历史背景,以及促使最新外交升温的不同关切。此外,研究还探讨了中国加强在中东地区的参与,特别是与沙特阿拉伯和伊朗不断发展的金融和战略关系,以及这对地区政治秩序的影响。本研究是对官方数据、学术和媒体报道等第一手和第二手资料进行分析的结果。研究结果表明,沙特阿拉伯与伊朗之间不断改善的关系有勇气将稳定纳入国际政治,而中国对地区秩序的贡献则为支持和发展提供了新的舞台。本文最后为相关利益攸关方和政治行动者提供了引领海湾地区稳定与和平的建议。
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引用次数: 0
Developing a Research Design based on the distinction of History from the Social Sciences 根据历史学与社会科学的区别制定研究设计
Pub Date : 2024-01-11 DOI: 10.52015/jrss.12i1.236
Rafia Riaz, Amanullah Khan
The issues of methodology are mainly associated with the concept of authenticity and verification of knowledge which is a key element of epistemology. Since antiquity, various solutions have been proposed and methods were evolved in order to ensure accuracy and truthfulness of the knowledge gained. As far as history was concerned, its methods were evolved in its own epistemological framework in ancient and medieval times. However after the development of philosophy of science in the west, the discipline of history had to face severe methodological crisis. Some major philosophers of history after an evolutionary process rejected the methods of sciences; however the discipline is still somehow related with the social sciences. The present research argues that history is even different, ancient and unique from the social sciences. Thus the methods of research in history are entirely different and building a research design in history is a completely different task. The present research has evaluated the evolution of development of methods in the social sciences as well as in history in order to draw a distinction of social sciences from history. The study further proposed a historical research design which is based on the traditional methods of research in history; and which also ensures maximum authenticity by using tools of reliability. The study will help the historians to highlight the actual methodological nature of their discipline and to justify the claims of their researches as authentic and different from the rest of the social sciences at the same time.   
方法论问题主要与知识的真实性和验证概念有关,而知识的真实性和验证是认识论的关键要素。自古以来,为了确保所获知识的准确性和真实性,人们提出了各种解决方案,并逐渐形成了各种方法。就历史学而言,其方法是在古代和中世纪的认识论框架内演变而来的。然而,科学哲学在西方发展起来后,历史学科不得不面临严重的方法论危机。一些主要的历史哲学家在经历了演变过程之后,摒弃了科学的方法,但历史学科仍然与社会科学有着某种联系。本研究认为,历史学甚至不同于社会科学,是古老而独特的。因此,历史学的研究方法完全不同,构建历史学的研究设计也是一项完全不同的任务。本研究评估了社会科学和历史学研究方法的演变发展,以区分社会科学和历史学。本研究进一步提出了一种历史研究设计,它以传统的历史研究方法为基础,并通过使用可靠性工具确保最大程度的真实性。这项研究将有助于历史学家突出其学科的实际方法论性质,并证明其研究是真实的,同时有别于其他社会科学。
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引用次数: 0
The Rise of Militant Non-State Actors in the Middle East: Consequences for the Statehood 中东非国家武装分子的崛起:对国家地位的影响
Pub Date : 2024-01-11 DOI: 10.52015/jrss.12i1.238
Dr. Syed Qandil Abbas, Syed Fraz, Hussain Naqvi, Syeda Hudaisa Kazmi
In the great power rivalries, the state employs various tactics to enforce their agenda at the regional scale. It involves conducting the intelligence based operations, limited strikes or fostering partnerships with the non-state actors. However, by forming the alliance with the non-state actors, the great powers often neglects the statehood of the parent state which results in the empowering of non-state actors. In the contemporary global order, militant non-state actors have generated a lot of attention owing to their increasingly transnational objectives. However, these non-state actors have also managed to evade the label of terrorism by integrating into the state structure of their parent states. In certain cases, where the integration was not feasible, the militant non-state actors have developed their social base through the incentives of social services. Under such circumstances, the state’s integrity is compromised which have led to the new debates of conceptualizing the role of militant non-state actors around the globe. This study would debate on these factors by limiting the focus in the Middle East and would highlight the sponsorship of foreign states in the rise of militant non-state actors.
在大国竞争中,国家采用各种策略在地区范围内实施其议程。其中包括开展基于情报的行动、有限打击或与非国家行为体建立伙伴关系。然而,大国通过与非国家行为体结盟,往往忽视了母国的国家地位,从而导致非国家行为体的赋权。在当代全球秩序中,好战的非国家行为体因其日益增长的跨国目标而备受关注。然而,这些非国家行为者也设法通过融入母国的国家结构来逃避恐怖主义的标签。在某些无法融入的情况下,好战的非国家行为者通过鼓励社会服务来发展自己的社会基础。在这种情况下,国家的完整性就会受到损害,这就引发了对全球激进非国家行为者的作用进行概念化的新讨论。本研究将以中东为重点,就这些因素展开辩论,并将强调外国对非国家武装分子崛起的支持。
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引用次数: 0
Russian-Ukraine Conflict and the Purpose of NATO: A Rethink 俄乌冲突与北约的宗旨:反思
Pub Date : 2024-01-11 DOI: 10.52015/jrss.12i1.239
Ghulam Mujadid, Saba Kiran
This article examines and contrasts Russia's and U.S.'s perspectives and actions throughout the conflict and attempts to determine why the conflict in Ukraine escalated into a global power struggle. Due to the abundance of biased and self-serving information about the Ukrainian situation, this article aims to objectively investigate some aspects of the actions and behaviours of the U.S. to expand NATO to Eastern European states; and Russia’s bids to secure it near abroad. These conflicting strategic dynamics made their contributions to the situation. Since the data were gathered through books, journal papers, websites, and periodicals, the study is a desk study. It is qualitative because it draws on various sources to analyze this problem and comprehend the opposing viewpoints. Russia and the U.S. are sponsoring rival militias to strategically dominate the Black Sea Region for their economic gains. To keep one another from achieving hegemonic dominance in the Black Sea region, both governments worked in their self-interest to strengthen their respective positions and undercut those of their rivals. How the Ukraine conflict evolved would have been different had the two great powers not been involved in the ways they did.
本文研究并对比了俄罗斯和美国在整个冲突中的观点和行动,并试图确定乌克兰冲突升级为全球权力斗争的原因。由于有关乌克兰局势的信息存在大量偏见和自我服务,本文旨在客观地调查美国将北约扩展至东欧国家的行动和行为的某些方面,以及俄罗斯为确保其近海安全所做的努力。这些相互冲突的战略动态都对局势做出了贡献。由于数据是通过书籍、期刊论文、网站和期刊收集的,因此本研究是一项案头研究。本研究属于定性研究,因为它利用各种资料来源来分析这一问题并理解对立的观点。俄罗斯和美国正在资助敌对的民兵组织,以从战略上控制黑海地区,获取经济利益。为了不让对方在黑海地区取得霸权统治地位,两国政府都从自身利益出发,努力加强各自的地位,削弱对手的地位。如果这两个大国没有以这样的方式参与其中,乌克兰冲突的演变会有所不同。
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引用次数: 0
WhatsApp Communication in Tanzanian Organizations 坦桑尼亚组织中的 WhatsApp 通信
Pub Date : 2024-01-11 DOI: 10.52015/jrss.12i1.232
Faisal Issa, S. Makubi
Public sector performance and service delivery is less than optimal in most countries of Africa including Tanzania. There are main issues that are attributed to such state of affairs.  However, technological developments that are Information and Communication Technology related offer the opportunity to improve public sector performance. Among the social media platforms is WhatsApp that has gained popularity in Tanzania a head of other social media tools.  This study assesses the extent to which WhatsApp is used in organizations in Tanzania and implications there from. The study deployed qualitative in-depth and analytical methodology through an electronic questionnaire administered through WhatsApp communication platforms of selected groups and interviews with CEOs of public sector organizations. The result shows WhatsApp is widely used due to its benefits including leading to possible positive contexts for performance improvements that is despite the lack of formal authorization for its use.
在包括坦桑尼亚在内的大多数非洲国家,公共部门的绩效和服务提供都不尽如人意。造成这种状况的原因主要有以下几个方面。 然而,与信息和通信技术相关的技术发展为改善公共部门的绩效提供了机会。在社交媒体平台中,WhatsApp 在坦桑尼亚的受欢迎程度超过了其他社交媒体工具。 本研究评估了 WhatsApp 在坦桑尼亚各组织中的使用程度及其影响。本研究采用定性深入分析方法,通过 WhatsApp 通信平台对选定群体进行电子问卷调查,并对公共部门组织的首席执行官进行访谈。研究结果表明,尽管 WhatsApp 的使用缺乏正式授权,但由于其好处,包括可能为提高绩效带来的积极背景,WhatsApp 被广泛使用。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Research in Social Sciences
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