解词重音与短语韵律:来自格鲁吉亚语的观点

Lena Borise
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引用次数: 1

摘要

本文通过在对照数据中研究语音线索(持续时间、强度、F0)的分布,探讨了格鲁吉亚语中单词重音和短语韵律的相互作用。结果表明,无论音节数和短语上下文如何,格鲁吉亚语单词的首音节都比后面所有音节的持续时间更长。排除域初始强化作为另一种解释后,这一发现为支持固定初始应力提供了证据。同样地,开头音节的强度是最大的,但整个单词的强度持续逐渐下降表明这种效果可能与重音无关。F0的结果与现有的描述一致:单个词汇组成了ACCENTUAL PHRASES,以首音节的低音调重音和最后音节的高最终边界音为标志。此外,新的证据表明,一个短语重音,与倒数第二,提出。F0目标在焦点后降音语境中完全不存在,这表明格鲁吉亚语中的F0标记是为短语韵律保留的,而不是重音标记所固有的。这些结果有助于解释与单词重音、短语语调相关的事实,以及它们在格鲁吉亚语中的相互作用,这是文献中争论的对象。
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Disentangling word stress and phrasal prosody: A view from Georgian
This paper investigates the interaction of word stress and phrasal prosody in Georgian by studying the distribution of acoustic cues (duration, intensity, F0) in controlled data. The results show that initial syllables in Georgian words are marked by greater duration than all subsequent syllables, regardless of syllable count and phrasal context. After excluding domain-initial strengthening as an alternative explanation, this finding provides evidence in favor of fixed initial stress. Likewise, initial syllables are marked by greatest intensity, but the consistent gradual drop in intensity throughout the word suggests that this effect may not be stress-related. The F0 results align with the existing accounts: individual lexical words form ACCENTUAL PHRASES, marked by a low pitch accent on the initial syllable and a high final boundary tone on the final syllable. Additionally, new evidence for a phrasal accent, aligned with the penult, is presented. F0 targets are shown to be completely absent in the context of post-focal deaccenting, which shows that F0-marking in Georgian is reserved for phrasal prosody and is not intrinsic to stress-marking. These results help account for the facts related to word stress, phrasal intonation, and their interplay in Georgian, the object of debate in the literature.
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