对法国1848年革命的不合时宜的反思

Q4 Arts and Humanities Opera Historica Pub Date : 2018-09-30 DOI:10.32725/oph.2018.021
E. Castleton
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引用次数: 0

摘要

这篇文章建立在我与hervevuretouboull合著的引言中对同一主题的早期思考之上。参见爱德华·卡斯尔顿(Edward Castleton)——hervevel touboull,《Retour sur 1848: peuton en finir?》, in: idem (edd .), Regards sur 1848, besanon 2015, p。7-31。今天赋予1848年欧洲革命的国家和国际意义有一些关于1848年欧洲革命事件的东西,无论何时讨论这些事件,它们都可以被赋予一种特殊的即时性,能够与现在对话。2018年是这些革命170周年。在我居住的法国,1968年5月至6月事件50周年的纪念活动在很大程度上被掩盖了,主流媒体和大多数主要文化机构认为这更有意义。然而,当我在法国外省为2018年的纪念活动向非学术听众讲述1848年时,听众们似乎总是发现,在那一年里,对于理解他们自己的时代,一些事情与1968年夏天发生的事情同样重要。特别是,我一再遇到围绕政治代表问题的自发评论和问题。这些可以或多或少概括如下。法国今天面临的问题,与它在第二共和国宣告成立后首次试行男性普遍选举权时出现的问题相同。当选的精英们几乎不关心选举他们的人,无论他们是专制的煽动者、“局外人”、半专业政治阶层的“圈内人”成员,还是“政治行动只专注于减少政府资产负债表”的技术官僚。在一个反建制民粹主义在全球范围内死灰复燃、对民主政治进程普遍不满的时代,这种解读或许再自然不过了。尽管在大多数国家,选举权是完全不受限制的,但与1848年只有男性才能参与政治进程的法国不同,我们生活在一个仅仅能够投票似乎不足以解决日益分化的社会不平等的万灵药的时代。目前在法国,人们普遍认为公众被政客蒙蔽了太长时间。这种感觉因以下事实而加剧:公民最近选出了一位“以前未当选的技术官僚”——一位完美的“圈内人”——作为2017年的总统,他以“局外人”的身份竞选行政长官,“代表着与他所处的不受欢迎的上一届政府的不同”
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Untimely Meditations on the Revolution of 1848 in France
1 This essay builds upon earlier reflections I have made on the same topic in my introduction, co-authored with Hervé Touboul . See Edward Castleton – Hervé Touboul, Retour sur 1848: peut-on en finir?, in: idem (edd .), Regards sur 1848, Besançon 2015, p . 7–31 . Ascribing National and International Meaning to 1848 Today There is something about the events of the European Revolutions of 1848 such that whenever those events are discussed, they can be endowed with a special immediacy capable of speaking to the present .1 2018 marked the 170th anniversary of those revolutions . In France, where I live, this commemoration was largely overshadowed by the 50th anniversary of the events of May-June 1968, deemed by the mainstream media and most major cultural institutions to be more relevant . Yet when I lectured to non-academic audiences in provincial France about 1848 for the 2018 commemoration, audiences invariably seemed to discover something in that year as equally important to understanding their own times as whatever happened in the summer of 1968 . In particular, I was repeatedly confronted by spontaneous comments and questions revolving around issues of political representation . These can be summarized more or less as follows . The problems France faces today are identical to those that arose when it first experimented with universal manhood suffrage subsequent to the declaration of the Second Republic . The elected elites care little for the people who elect them, whether they be authoritarian demagogic ,,outsiders“, members of a semi-professional political class of ,,insiders“, or ,,technocrats“ whose political actions focus singularly on reducing governmental balance sheets . In an era of resurgent anti-establishment populism on a global scale, stoked by widespread dissatisfaction with the democratic political process, this sort of interpretation is perhaps natural enough . Despite the fact that the electoral franchise is fully unrestricted in most countries, unlike in the France of 1848 when only men could participate in the political process, we live in an era wherein simply being able to vote does not seem like a panacea sufficient to solve increasingly polarizing social inequalities . In France currently, there is a general opinion that the public has had the wool pulled over its eyes for too long by its politicians . This feeling has been exacerbated by the fact that citizens recently elected a consummate ,,insider“ and previously unelected ,,technocrat“ to be president in 2017 who ran for chief executive as an ,,outsider“ representing change from the unpopular previous administration of which he was
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Opera Historica
Opera Historica Arts and Humanities-History
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