Zero-derived forms in the mental lexicon: Experimental evidence from Italian

Abstract Our paper investigates how zero-affixed verbal forms (specifically, denominal and deadjectival verbs) are processed by native speakers of Italian during visual word recognition. More specifically, we verify whether, and possibly to what extent, the processing of such forms differs from or resembles the processing of verbs resulting from two other productive word formation schemas in Italian, i. e., suffixation and parasynthesis. The interest of such a comparison lies in the fact that the three considered schemas behave similarly from a functional point of view, i. e.: i) they all change the category of the base, ii) they select the same base category (nouns and adjectives), and iii) they show similar semantic characteristics. However, this shared function is realized by means of different formal exponents (both overt and covert) which might imply different degrees of complexity. Crucially, suffixation and parasynthesis display an overt derivational marking, while zero-affixation obviously does not. On such premises, to verify whether the strength of connections between morphologically complex words and their bases is affected by the nature of the transcategorization marking (overt v s vs covert) or whether other factors play a more determining role, we conducted a psycholinguistic experiment involving a lexical decision task combined with the masked priming paradigm, which allows focusing on such relations in the mental lexicon. Results indicate that the processing of zero-affixed verbs resembles that of suffixed but differs from that of parasynthetic forms. We interpret such results discussing the possibility that the perception of a morphological relationship might depend less on the overtness of the marking, and more on the overall derivational complexity of the morphological process.