A Probe-Goal Approach to the Minimality Effect in Chinese Modifier V-De Construction

Mandarin Chinese has a modifier [V-de X] construction with a cluster of properties: X is both syntactically and semantically a predicate of the event denoted by V, unique per clause and demonstrably in the complement position of V. Whereas these properties collectively set X apart from postverbal adverbials in European languages, X not only can be interpreted as if it were one of a wide range of adverb classes but also interacts with actual preverbal adverbials of certain types and yields a minimality effect. We present an explanation that makes use of the probegoal theory of syntactic dependencies and the association of adverb classes adv to their corresponding licensing heads H. It will be shown that the morpheme -de embodies agreement between adv and H. When coupled with a strict Kayne-style clausal structure that Chinese has, this characterization of -de helps explain all the properties of the modifier [V-de X] construction.