台湾安全问题与展望

Eiichi Shiozawa
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引用次数: 0

摘要

裁军。”然而,朝鲜和中国之间的上述相似之处将被“非法核野心家”理论所否定,因为中国的核开发最终根据《不扩散条约》合法化。根据本书的观点,以色列等从未签署过《不扩散条约》的其他核扩散国也将被排除在比较分析之外,因为作者强调,朝鲜和伊朗通常签署《不扩散核武器条约》是选择其案例进行比较的原因。然而,为什么正在扩散核武器的国家必须至少是《不扩散条约》的一个签署国?“美国战略思维中的朝鲜和伊朗”(第2-7页)的频繁结合也不足以将这两个核扩散国归为一类,不包括其他国家。对扩散者进行分类的概念应该取决于客观分析,而不是政治话语,即使这样一个目标的相关性可以根据“美国战略思维”的趋势来定义
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Taiwan wo meguru Anzen Hosho [Taiwan’s security: issues and prospects]
disarmament.” However, the above similarity between North Korea and China will be dismissed by the “illicit nuclear aspirant” theory, because China’s nuclear development eventually became lawful under the NPT. Other nuclear proliferators such as Israel, which never signed the NPT, would also be excluded from comparative analysis based on this book’s view because the authors stressed that the North Korea and Iran commonly signed the NPT as the reason for selecting their cases for comparison. Nevertheless, why do the compared countries that are proliferating nuclear weapons have to be at least onetime signatories of the NPT? The frequent combination of “North Korea and Iran in US strategic thinking” (pages 2–7) also does not constitute enough of a reason to classify the two nuclear proliferators into one category, excluding others. The concept of categorizing proliferators should depend on objective analysis rather than political discourse, even if the relevance of such an objective could be defined based on a tendency of “U.S. strategic thinking.”
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来源期刊
Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies
Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies Social Sciences-Cultural Studies
CiteScore
2.50
自引率
0.00%
发文量
10
审稿时长
6 weeks
期刊最新文献
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