波罗的海国家的议会制与半总统制:宪法框架差异的原因与后果

Zenonas Norkus
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引用次数: 7

摘要

爱沙尼亚和拉脱维亚在20世纪90年代初恢复了国家地位,建立了议会制共和国,而立陶宛则选择了半总统制。本文是一种以案例为导向的比较研究,以立陶宛的“例外”为重点,解释了这种差异。部分原因在于两次世界大战之间宪法历史的不同:立陶宛和爱沙尼亚各自都要应对三部宪法的遗留问题,而拉脱维亚只继承了1922年的议会宪法,因为它的独裁者卡尔里斯·乌尔马尼斯(Karlis Ulmanis)没有费心将自己的统治宪法化。另一部分是在制定宪法的特殊政治时期,权力平衡的差异。半总统制和议会制的交替以及“总统制的危险”在立陶宛后共产主义政治中反复出现,而爱沙尼亚和拉脱维亚除了2009-2011年在拉脱维亚发生的“扎特勒斯事件”之外,对这些几乎一无所知。2003-2004年臭名昭著的帕克萨斯(Rolandas Paksas)被弹劾,以及立陶宛总统达利亚•格里包斯凯伊特(Dalia grybauskaitnik)颇具争议的表演风格,都是半总统制缺陷的重要例证,立陶宛转向波罗的海的议会总统制模式可以治愈这些缺陷。然而,随着时间的推移,所有波罗的海国家进行宪政改革的可能性在减少,主要是由于越来越多的新宪法和习惯化。
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Parliamentarism Versus Semi-Presidentialism in the Baltic States: The Causes and Consequences of Differences in the Constitutional Frameworks
Abstract Restoring their statehood in the early 1990s, Estonia and Latvia established parliamentary republics, while Lithuania opted for semi-presidentialism. The paper is a case-oriented comparative study explaining this difference with the Lithuanian “exceptionality” in focus. Part of the answer is differences of interwar constitutional history: while Lithuania and Estonia had to cope with the legacy of three constitutions each, Latvia inherited only the parliamentary Constitution of 1922, because its dictator Karlis Ulmanis did not bother to constitutionalize his rule. Another part is differences in the balance of power during the time of extraordinary politics when constitutions were made. The alternation between the presidential and parliamentary phases of semi-presidentialism and the “perils of presidentialism” did manifest repeatedly in the Lithuanian post-communist politics, while Estonia and Latvia did know next to nothing about them, except for the “Zatlers episode” in Latvia in 2009–2011. The infamous Rolandas Paksas’ impeachment in 2003–2004 and controversial features in the performance style of the Lithuanian president Dalia Grybauskaitė are important illustrations of the shortcomings of semi-presidentialism, which could be cured by Lithuania’s switch to the Baltic pattern of parliamentary presidency. However, as time goes on, the probability of a constitutional reform decreases in all Baltic States, mainly due to increasing acquis constitutionnel and habituation.
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