揭露自由主义的弱点:为什么自由秩序的未来处于危险之中,我们能做些什么来维护它

Beverly Crawford Ames
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摘要

自由民主在全球范围内正在衰落。为什么?文献提供了许多答案,例如,政党的权力和守门作用的下降(Lavinsky和Ziblatt),知识分子的作用(Applebaum),政治竞选资金的变化(Balkin),唐纳德·特朗普的反自由主义影响(Kendzior),“民主”本身的缺陷(Mounk),仅举几例。然而,大多数学者忽视了这些近似现象的根本原因。在这篇文章中,我采用社会学和社会心理学的方法来探索潜在的原因。我关注的是自由民主在西方工业国家,尤其是美国的衰落。我认为,这种衰落可以部分归因于自由主义固有的弱点/局限性,在21世纪,新自由主义经济力量和数字技术加剧了这种弱点/局限性。我认为,平等、宽容、法治和理性辩论等自由主义价值观,与新自由主义自由市场及其自由放任意识形态的神圣固守,以及自由主义固有的对人类对地位、社区、英雄的需求的忽视,以及释放激情不满的冲动,都产生了抵触。这种恼怒现在已经在自由主义制度中造成了伤害,而普遍存在的虚假信息和淫秽的不平等加剧了这种伤害。我提出了三点建议,以加强21世纪的自由主义:政府对社交媒体进行监管,以谴责仇恨言论和虚假信息;对财富征收新税,以减少经济不平等;扩大公共领域——公园、图书馆、海滩、公立学校等,在这些领域,“钱不重要”。最后一条建议是至关重要的。在自由民主社会中,即使税收更加公平,经济不平等和不稳定也会持续存在,因此,为了减少不平等对自由民主社会的影响,需要扩大公共领域。
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Unmasking the Weakness of Liberalism: Why the Future of the Liberal Order Is in Danger and What We Can Do to Safeguard It
Liberal democracy is in decline across the globe. Why? The literature provides many answers, i.e., a decline in the power and gatekeeping role of political parties (Lavinsky and Ziblatt), the role of intellectuals (Applebaum), changes in political campaign financing (Balkin), the anti-liberal influence of Donald Trump (Kendzior), the flaws of “democracy” itself (Mounk), to name just a few. Most scholars, however, neglect the underlying causes of these proximate phenomena. In this essay I take a sociological and social-psychological approach to explore the underlying causes. I focus on liberal democracy’s decline in the Industrial West, particularly the United States. I argue that this decline can be partly attributed to the inherent weaknesses/limitations of liberalism, exacerbated in the 21st century by neo-liberal economic forces and digital technology. I contend that liberal values of equality, tolerance, the rule of law, and rational debate chafe against the sacrosanct entrenchment of the neo-liberal free market and its laissez-faire ideology, as well as the inherent liberal neglect of the human need for status, community, heroes, and the impulse to unleash passionate grievances. This chafing has now opened lesions in liberal institutions, exacerbated by widespread disinformation and obscene inequality, I offer three suggestions to strengthen 21st century liberalism: government regulation of social media to censure hate speech and disinformation, new taxes on wealth to reduce economic inequality, and an expansion of the public realm—parks, libraries, beaches, public schools, etc., where “money doesn’t matter.” This last suggestion is crucial. Because economic inequality and precarity will persist in a liberal democratic society even when taxation is more equitable, expansion of the public realm is needed to reduce the impact of inequality in liberal democratic society.
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