{"title":"“Vulnerability and Power”: Disability, Pedagogy, Identity","authors":"S. Chinn, E. Samuels","doi":"10.1353/tnf.2014.0026","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"One of the major contributions of disability studies (DS) is the insight that our bodies change and have changed meaning over time—not just within lifetimes, but more structurally, over decades and centuries. Following the twin leads of Michel Foucault and the Disability Rights movement, schol ars in DS have traced the shifting definitions of seemingly self-evident terms like “able-bodied,” “independent,” and “productive,” at the same time reclaiming derogated terms such as “crip” and “mad.” It’s not surprising, then, how many of the founding figures in the humanities in contemporary DS have been historians and historicizers.1 Helen Deutsch’s groundbreaking work on early modern concepts of impairment and disability argues that in a culture in which bodies were vulnerable to infections, injury, malnutrition, and prenatal and birth com plications, the language for physical and cognitive anomaly was both more granular and more generalized: physically disabled, blind, intellectually dis abled, and injured people fell into the same amorphous category as sup posed “freaks of nature” (people of unusually large or small stature, con joined twins, people born without various limbs) and “monsters.” And the eighteenth century distinction between “defect” and “deformities” con stitutes a very different vocabulary of bodily difference from the one in place in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. At the same time, impairments that would in more recent times be considered wholly disabling—for example, Samuel Johnson’s several disabil ities (poor vision, extensive scarring from scrofula, and a neurological con dition that resembled Tourette’s syndrome)— were seen as eccentricities or deformities, rather than identifiers of a particular kind of person. Disability scholars have chronicled this dynamic relationship between historical change and embodiment, not least the ways in which marginalized gender, race, and class identities could themselves be categorized as diseases or dis abilities. d s has shown the inextricability of US definitions of disability over time from the economics of plantation slavery, the characterization of bourgeois femininity as constitutively diseased, the pathologizing of a range of sexual desires and activities, as well as the historically constructed focus on independence as the measure of citizenship. That is to say, we cannot understand our past, or our present, without looking at how marginal and impaired bodies are imagined to fit into the body politic. Ellen Samuels is part of the second generation of disability studies aca demics, a generation that has inherited these insights and built upon them. Trained in the field by established scholars, Samuels claims an intersectional","PeriodicalId":138207,"journal":{"name":"Transformations: The Journal of Inclusive Scholarship and Pedagogy","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"2","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Transformations: The Journal of Inclusive Scholarship and Pedagogy","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tnf.2014.0026","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2
Abstract
One of the major contributions of disability studies (DS) is the insight that our bodies change and have changed meaning over time—not just within lifetimes, but more structurally, over decades and centuries. Following the twin leads of Michel Foucault and the Disability Rights movement, schol ars in DS have traced the shifting definitions of seemingly self-evident terms like “able-bodied,” “independent,” and “productive,” at the same time reclaiming derogated terms such as “crip” and “mad.” It’s not surprising, then, how many of the founding figures in the humanities in contemporary DS have been historians and historicizers.1 Helen Deutsch’s groundbreaking work on early modern concepts of impairment and disability argues that in a culture in which bodies were vulnerable to infections, injury, malnutrition, and prenatal and birth com plications, the language for physical and cognitive anomaly was both more granular and more generalized: physically disabled, blind, intellectually dis abled, and injured people fell into the same amorphous category as sup posed “freaks of nature” (people of unusually large or small stature, con joined twins, people born without various limbs) and “monsters.” And the eighteenth century distinction between “defect” and “deformities” con stitutes a very different vocabulary of bodily difference from the one in place in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. At the same time, impairments that would in more recent times be considered wholly disabling—for example, Samuel Johnson’s several disabil ities (poor vision, extensive scarring from scrofula, and a neurological con dition that resembled Tourette’s syndrome)— were seen as eccentricities or deformities, rather than identifiers of a particular kind of person. Disability scholars have chronicled this dynamic relationship between historical change and embodiment, not least the ways in which marginalized gender, race, and class identities could themselves be categorized as diseases or dis abilities. d s has shown the inextricability of US definitions of disability over time from the economics of plantation slavery, the characterization of bourgeois femininity as constitutively diseased, the pathologizing of a range of sexual desires and activities, as well as the historically constructed focus on independence as the measure of citizenship. That is to say, we cannot understand our past, or our present, without looking at how marginal and impaired bodies are imagined to fit into the body politic. Ellen Samuels is part of the second generation of disability studies aca demics, a generation that has inherited these insights and built upon them. Trained in the field by established scholars, Samuels claims an intersectional
残疾研究(DS)的主要贡献之一是洞察到我们的身体随着时间的推移而改变和已经改变了意义——不仅仅是在一生中,而是在结构上,在几十年和几个世纪中。在米歇尔·福柯(Michel Foucault)和残疾人权利运动(Disability Rights movement)的双重引领下,DS的学者们追溯了“健全”、“独立”和“富有成效”等看似不言自明的术语的定义变化,同时收回了“跛脚”和“疯狂”等贬损术语。因此,当代人文学科的奠基人中有多少是历史学家和历史学家也就不足为奇了海伦·多伊奇(Helen Deutsch)对早期现代损伤和残疾概念的开创性研究认为,在一个身体容易受到感染、伤害、营养不良、产前和分娩并发症影响的文化中,身体和认知异常的语言既更细致,也更笼统:身体残疾、失明、智障和受伤的人被归为所谓的“自然怪胎”(身材异常高大或矮小的人、连体双胞胎、生来就没有四肢的人)和“怪物”一类。18世纪对"缺陷"和"畸形"的区分与20世纪和21世纪对身体差异的表述非常不同。与此同时,那些在近代被认为是完全残疾的缺陷——比如塞缪尔·约翰逊的几种残疾(视力不佳,坏血病造成的大面积疤痕,以及类似图雷特综合症的神经系统疾病)——被视为怪癖或畸形,而不是某种特定类型的人的标志。残疾学者记录了历史变化和具体化之间的这种动态关系,尤其是边缘化的性别、种族和阶级身份本身可以被归类为疾病或残疾的方式。随着时间的推移,从种植园奴隶制的经济学,资产阶级女性特质作为结构性疾病的特征,一系列性欲和活动的病态化,以及历史上构建的对独立作为公民衡量标准的关注,d已经表明了美国对残疾的定义是不可分割的。也就是说,我们不能理解我们的过去,或者我们的现在,如果不看看边缘和受损的身体是如何被想象成适合这个国家的。艾伦·塞缪尔斯是第二代残疾研究学者中的一员,这一代人继承了这些见解,并在其基础上进一步发展。塞缪尔斯在该领域接受了知名学者的培训,他认为这是一个交叉点