The Venceremos Brigade: North Americans in Cuba since 1969

K. Iyengar
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

As Cuba and the US approach normalised relations, the moment manifests with a presence that most US citizens have not experienced for decades. For most North Americans, the current shift is a complete turn from relations begun at the inception of the Cuban Revolution. In truth, this shift mirrors the work that the Venceremos Brigade has been realising for decades. I found the Venceremos Brigade among the weeds of the American Left, modelling a distinct and positive form of US-Cuban relations amidst a political context hostile to Cuba. Born from fraught relations, the Brigade has persisted throughout the period defined by negative relations and demonstrates how a productive politics can emerge from a politics of hostility: when mutual interests are involved. The current relational shift offers a new vantage point from which to reconsider US-Cuban relations - offering a space to explore the Venceremos Brigade.The Venceremos Brigade was a political education project founded in 1969 by members of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) along with officials of the Republic of Cuba. The Brigade continues to travel to Cuba today, and to date has sent more than 9,000 activists to the island (Sale 1973). Those who have participated in the Brigade have done so to demonstrate support for the Cuban Revolution/Government, foster socio-economic growth in the country, develop political and social consciousness, and learn about Cuba. 'Brigadistas' have traditionally demonstrated support and helped to foster growth on the island by participating in national sugar harvests or housing projects, all the while learning from the Cuban Revolution. Today, brigadistas continue to travel to Cuba and work on the island while learning of its politics and culture.Having begun ten years after the 1959 culmination of the Cuban Revolution, this long-standing North American project of support for Cuba should be known. The group's participants embody a recurring trend from the course of US history: North Americans negotiate the contradictions of the US's proffered patriotism that simultaneously allows for institutionally marginalising certain subgroups of citizens. The Brigade's participants demonstrate this historical tendency through their collective, demograph diversity - they represent a broad scope of the US along the dimensions of race, gender, ethnicity, sexual orientation, etc. There is little written on the Venceremos Brigade within the pertinent historiographies - neither in the history of US-Cuban relations nor in the history of the New Left. The story's importance and relevance become increasingly apparent as our present moment asks us to rethink our orientation towards Cuba.The age into which the Brigade was born was one dominated by a fundamentally anti-Cuban narrative. The narrative was historically constructed, having begun long before 1959, and the story has only marginally changed since the culmination of Cuba's communist revolution. Looking to Cuban-American policy today, we are entering a new policy arena, one governed by a decrease in hostility, a spirit of reconciliation, and fundamentally speaking, a future of productive relations between the US and Cuba. This is the US in which I read the Venceremos Brigade, not a US that was ruled by 'an impulsive force calling for the invasion of Cuba and the overthrow of its government' or a US ruled by 'expansionism and industrialism - the territorial urge accompanied by a search for markets' (Langley 1968, 185-186). Rather, I locate the Venceremos Brigade today, in an evolving political situation wherein the US president has begun to ease travel restrictions to Cuba, and diplomatic talks are transpiring between the nations for the first time in more than half a century. From this grounding, I articulate an untold story.Although productive relations persisted beneath relations of hostility between the US and Cuba for decades, the American Left did not share the story of the Venceremos Brigade, during an era when Cuba and Cuban activism caused for crisis. …
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维切雷莫斯旅:1969年以来在古巴的北美人
随着古巴和美国接近关系正常化,这一时刻展现出大多数美国公民几十年来从未体验过的存在感。对于大多数北美人来说,目前的转变是古巴革命开始时开始的关系的彻底转变。事实上,这种转变反映了veneremos旅几十年来一直在实现的工作。我在美国左翼的杂草中发现了veneremos旅,在对古巴怀有敌意的政治背景下,他们塑造了一种独特而积极的美古关系。该旅诞生于令人担忧的关系中,在整个由消极关系定义的时期坚持下来,并证明了在涉及共同利益的情况下,如何从敌对政治中产生富有成效的政治。当前的关系转变为重新考虑美古关系提供了一个新的有利位置——提供了一个探索veneremos旅的空间。文泽雷莫斯旅是1969年由争取民主社会学生组织成员与古巴共和国官员共同建立的一个政治教育项目。该旅今天继续前往古巴,迄今已向该岛派遣了9 000多名活动分子(塞尔,1973年)。参加该旅的人这样做是为了表示对古巴革命/政府的支持,促进该国的社会经济增长,发展政治和社会意识,并了解古巴。“Brigadistas”传统上支持并帮助促进该岛的经济增长,参与全国甘蔗收获或住房项目,同时学习古巴革命。今天,游击队继续前往古巴,在岛上工作,同时学习其政治和文化。这一北美长期支持古巴的项目是在1959年古巴革命达到高潮十年之后开始的,应该为人所知。该组织的参与者体现了美国历史进程中一个反复出现的趋势:北美人协商美国提供的爱国主义的矛盾,同时允许在制度上边缘化公民的某些子群体。该旅的参与者通过他们的集体、人口多样性展示了这一历史趋势——他们代表了美国在种族、性别、民族、性取向等方面的广泛范围。在相关的历史著作中,无论是在美国和古巴关系史上,还是在新左派的历史中,都很少有关于Venceremos旅的记载。这个故事的重要性和相关性越来越明显,因为我们当前时刻要求我们重新考虑我们对古巴的方向。“古巴旅”诞生的年代是一个从根本上被反古巴言论所主导的年代。故事的叙述是历史的,早在1959年之前就开始了,自古巴共产主义革命达到高潮以来,故事只发生了轻微的变化。展望今天的古巴-美国政策,我们正在进入一个新的政策舞台,一个敌意减少,和解精神,从根本上说,美国和古巴之间富有成效的关系的未来。这是我读到的“威尼斯人旅”的美国,而不是一个被“侵略古巴并推翻其政府的冲动力量”统治的美国,也不是一个被“扩张主义和工业主义——对领土的渴望伴随着对市场的追求”统治的美国(兰利1968,185 -186)。更确切地说,我在今天发现了veneremos旅,在一个不断演变的政治局势中,美国总统开始放松对古巴的旅行限制,两国之间半个多世纪以来第一次进行外交谈判。在此基础上,我讲述了一个不为人知的故事。尽管在美国和古巴之间的敌对关系下,富有成效的关系持续了几十年,但在古巴和古巴激进主义引发危机的时代,美国左派并没有分享Venceremos旅的故事。…
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