Social Movement Unionism since the Fall of Apartheid: the Case of NUMSA on the East Rand

T. Bramble
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引用次数: 3

Abstract

The role that COSATU now plays in the post-apartheid political dispensation is changing. The systemic political and legislative reforms ushered in by the ANC in the 1990s were designed not to usher in a socialist society, but a deracialised and stable capitalism. The essential conditions of labour subordination therefore remain, only now overlain at a national level with a social democratic political structure with a black complexion. This structure has taken the form of a corporatist political arrangement centred on the Tripartite Alliance and NEDLAC. Tripartism has yielded the unions certain historical gains, including the passage of relatively progressive labour relations legislation. As a result of this legislation, trade unions have now achieved what Gramsci (1919) called 'industrial legality', whereby the restrictions on managerial arbitrariness mark a historical advance for trade unions. In many respects, therefore, the institutionalisation of unions that occurred in the 1990s is a significant gain for the black workers of South Africa who were denied any role in the old political order. The question that is tackled in this chapter is whether these gains have come at the price of neutering much of the dynamism that made the federation such an explosive force for change in the 1980s. Specifically, can COSATU and its affiliates continue to be regarded as a model of social movement unionism (SMU), which comprises the following elements: mass mobilisation of members; internal democracy; broad social objectives; alliances with progressive social movements; functional independence from political parties; and recognition of diverse membership? Or, have the processes of bureaucratisation and routinisation evident in most Western unions after their initial explosive growth period now become dominant?
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种族隔离制度垮台以来的社会运动工会主义:以南非全国工会联合会在东兰德的活动为例
南非总工会在后种族隔离时代的政治分配中所扮演的角色正在发生变化。上世纪90年代,非国大进行了系统性的政治和立法改革,其目的不是要建立一个社会主义社会,而是建立一个去种族化和稳定的资本主义社会。因此,劳动从属的基本条件仍然存在,只是现在在国家一级被一种带有黑人肤色的社会民主政治结构所覆盖。这种结构采取了以三方联盟和非洲发展与发展委员会为中心的社团主义政治安排的形式。三方合作为工会带来了某些历史性的成果,包括通过了相对进步的劳资关系立法。作为这项立法的结果,工会现在已经实现了葛兰西(1919)所说的“工业合法性”,即对管理随意性的限制标志着工会的历史进步。因此,在许多方面,20世纪90年代发生的工会制度化是南非黑人工人的重大收获,他们在旧政治秩序中被剥夺了任何角色。本章要解决的问题是,这些成就是否是以削弱了许多活力为代价的,而正是这种活力使联邦在20世纪80年代成为一股推动变革的爆炸性力量。具体来说,南非总工会及其附属机构能否继续被视为社会运动工会主义(SMU)的典范,它包括以下要素:大规模动员成员;内部民主;广泛的社会目标;与进步社会运动结盟;职能上独立于政党;以及对多元化成员的认可?或者,在最初的爆炸式增长之后,在大多数西方工会中明显存在的官僚化和常规化过程,现在是否已经成为主导?
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COSATU and the Tripartite Alliance since 1994 Dealing with ‘This Thing Called Gender’: Democracy, Power and Gender Relations in Trade Unions In Search of Greener Pastures: Trade Unionism in the Agricultural Sector Social Citizenship, the Decline of Waged Labour and Changing Worker Strategies The Road to the Right: COSATU Economic Policy in the Post-Apartheid Period
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