{"title":"Labor and Chinese Exclusion in US History","authors":"Justin F. Jackson","doi":"10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.013.545","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, white working-class activists and their allies in the United States acted as a political vanguard in efforts to limit the entry, naturalization, and civil rights of Chinese migrants, especially laborers. First in California in the 1850s, and then throughout the North American West and the nation at large, a militant racist-nativist minority of trade unionists and labor reformers assailed Chinese as an economic, cultural, and political threat to white workers, their living standards, and the republic itself. Uniting with Democrats and independent antimonopoly parties, workers and their organizations formed the base of a cross-class anti-Chinese movement that, by the 1880s, eroded Republicans’ support for Chinese labor migrants and won severe legal restrictions against them. Organized labor, especially the American Federation of Labor and its leadership, played a key role, lobbying Congress to refine and extend Chinese exclusion and erect similar barriers against other Asian migrants, including Japanese and Filipinos. Anti-Chinese labor advocates also influenced and coordinated with parallel pro-exclusion movements abroad, leading a global white working-class reaction to the Chinese labor diaspora across parts of Asia, Africa, and the Americas. In many ways, anti-Asian working-class nativism prefigured early-20th-century measures placing unprecedented constraints on white European migration. Yet organized labor barely opposed the demise of anti-Chinese and national-quota restrictions during World War II and the Cold War, as diplomatic demands, economic expansion, and a changing international system weakened domestic political support for exclusion.","PeriodicalId":105482,"journal":{"name":"Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American History","volume":"129 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2021-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American History","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.013.545","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, white working-class activists and their allies in the United States acted as a political vanguard in efforts to limit the entry, naturalization, and civil rights of Chinese migrants, especially laborers. First in California in the 1850s, and then throughout the North American West and the nation at large, a militant racist-nativist minority of trade unionists and labor reformers assailed Chinese as an economic, cultural, and political threat to white workers, their living standards, and the republic itself. Uniting with Democrats and independent antimonopoly parties, workers and their organizations formed the base of a cross-class anti-Chinese movement that, by the 1880s, eroded Republicans’ support for Chinese labor migrants and won severe legal restrictions against them. Organized labor, especially the American Federation of Labor and its leadership, played a key role, lobbying Congress to refine and extend Chinese exclusion and erect similar barriers against other Asian migrants, including Japanese and Filipinos. Anti-Chinese labor advocates also influenced and coordinated with parallel pro-exclusion movements abroad, leading a global white working-class reaction to the Chinese labor diaspora across parts of Asia, Africa, and the Americas. In many ways, anti-Asian working-class nativism prefigured early-20th-century measures placing unprecedented constraints on white European migration. Yet organized labor barely opposed the demise of anti-Chinese and national-quota restrictions during World War II and the Cold War, as diplomatic demands, economic expansion, and a changing international system weakened domestic political support for exclusion.
在19世纪末和20世纪初,美国的白人工人阶级活动家及其盟友充当了政治先锋,努力限制中国移民,特别是劳工的入境、入籍和公民权利。首先在19世纪50年代的加利福尼亚,然后在整个北美西部和整个国家,一个激进的种族主义-本土主义少数工会会员和劳工改革者攻击华人,认为他们是对白人工人、他们的生活水平和共和国本身的经济、文化和政治威胁。工人及其组织与民主党和独立的反垄断政党联合起来,形成了跨阶层反华运动的基础。到19世纪80年代,这场运动削弱了共和党对中国劳工移民的支持,并为他们赢得了严厉的法律限制。有组织的劳工,尤其是美国劳工联合会(American Federation of labor)及其领导层,发挥了关键作用,游说国会完善和扩大排华政策,并对日本和菲律宾等其他亚洲移民设置类似的障碍。反华劳工倡导者也影响并协调了国外的支持排华运动,领导了全球白人工人阶级对亚洲、非洲和美洲部分地区华侨华人的反应。在很多方面,反亚洲工人阶级本土主义预示着20世纪早期对欧洲白人移民施加前所未有限制的措施。然而,在第二次世界大战和冷战期间,随着外交需求、经济扩张和不断变化的国际体系削弱了对排华政策的国内政治支持,劳工组织几乎没有反对反华政策和国家配额限制的消亡。