Party membership, social ties and upward mobility in Cuba

S. Romanó
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During the first 4 years following 1989, there was a contraction of the GDP of about 35 per cent (Mesa-Lago 2007: 1), a 70 per cent decrease of imported foodstuffs, a 79.6 per cent contraction of exports (Gonzalez-Corzo 2007: 316), a 39 per cent decrease in private spending and the extinction of the state-run parallel market in which Cuban workers could buy non-rationed goods at subsidised prices (mainly, food and industrial products; Togores and Garcia 2004: 247). The Cuban government maintained the workers' nominal salaries, but nevertheless the purchasing power of wages decreased significantly. The rapid deterioration of social conditions prompted the government to implement a set of market-oriented reforms. From 1993 to the early 2000s, the Cuban government welcomed foreign direct investment, prioritised the reconstruction of the international tourism sector and the development of telecommunications services and mining, for example, nickel (Dominguez 2004: 31; Perez-Villanueva 2004). To this end, it enforced policies aimed at attracting foreign direct investment. At the same time, the Cuban government legalised new forms of selfemployment in order to boost production and incorporate a part of the growing informal economy into the formal economy (Ritter and Henken 2014: 80).Thus, as a result of the crisis and reforms, Cuban socio-economic structures have changed. Services and primary sectors have grown, while the secondary sectors have decayed (Espina-Prieto and Togores-Gonzalez 2012), but above all new, so-called 'emerging sectors' have appeared. In the literature on Cuba, the term 'emerging sectors' is used to refer to that part of the Cuban economy that distinguishes it from the so-called traditional sectors for being 'composed of jobs linked to foreign currency gains and remunerative benefits'1 (Barberia 2008: 21). Emerging sectors are mainly composed of mixed and Cuban companies which developed in relation to the tourism industry and/or the domestic markets for goods in hard currency; some firms also emerged in the export of high valueadded products (e.g., the pharmaceutical industry). The common aspect of enterprises belonging to this emerging sector is that they sell their output in hard currency (either to other firms, to the population, or abroad) and they purchase their material inputs (imported or domestically produced) or borrow funds from banks also in hard currency; only the wages are paid in Cuban pesos (with some bonuses in convertible currency). In this regard, it is useful to highlight that mixed enterprises cannot directly hire and pay their own Cuban workers, but they must contract Cuban workers through state employment agencies.2Under these circumstances, income inequality started to grow (Ranis and Kosak, 2004; Mesa-Lago 2004) and a process of social re-stratification occurred (Espina-Prieto 2004). Studies on inequality carried out in Cuba show that in the Cuban labour market, the emerging sectors offer more highly remunerated jobs (Espina-Prieto 2004, 2005, 2008, 2010; Espina-Prieto and Togores-Gonzalez 2012; Zabala 2010; Henken 2002, 2008; Corrales 2004) as well as the most desirable jobs (Espina-Prieto and Togores-Gonzalez 2012: 277). A study by the Centro de Investigaciones Psicologicas y Sociologicas (CIPS3 2009) notes that Cubans associate the attainment of jobs in emerging sectors to paths of upward mobility (ibid.). Therefore, in this article I will use the terms highly remunerated and desirable interchangeably when I refer to occupations in emerging sectors, and more specifically to indicate the privileged condition of being a worker employed in enterprises belonging to emerging sectors. …","PeriodicalId":254309,"journal":{"name":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2016-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.1.0028","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1

Abstract

In the 1990s, the collapse of the USSR and the consequent dissolution of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON) trading bloc contributed to the sudden shrinkage of Cuba's international trade (both in volume and in value terms), and thus Cuban economy itself. The crisis, exacerbated by the US government's blockade and the internal inefficiency of centralised Cuban economic system, hit rock bottom in 1993 and ended up damaging the social conditions of the population. The figures of the crisis are eloquent. During the first 4 years following 1989, there was a contraction of the GDP of about 35 per cent (Mesa-Lago 2007: 1), a 70 per cent decrease of imported foodstuffs, a 79.6 per cent contraction of exports (Gonzalez-Corzo 2007: 316), a 39 per cent decrease in private spending and the extinction of the state-run parallel market in which Cuban workers could buy non-rationed goods at subsidised prices (mainly, food and industrial products; Togores and Garcia 2004: 247). The Cuban government maintained the workers' nominal salaries, but nevertheless the purchasing power of wages decreased significantly. The rapid deterioration of social conditions prompted the government to implement a set of market-oriented reforms. From 1993 to the early 2000s, the Cuban government welcomed foreign direct investment, prioritised the reconstruction of the international tourism sector and the development of telecommunications services and mining, for example, nickel (Dominguez 2004: 31; Perez-Villanueva 2004). To this end, it enforced policies aimed at attracting foreign direct investment. At the same time, the Cuban government legalised new forms of selfemployment in order to boost production and incorporate a part of the growing informal economy into the formal economy (Ritter and Henken 2014: 80).Thus, as a result of the crisis and reforms, Cuban socio-economic structures have changed. Services and primary sectors have grown, while the secondary sectors have decayed (Espina-Prieto and Togores-Gonzalez 2012), but above all new, so-called 'emerging sectors' have appeared. In the literature on Cuba, the term 'emerging sectors' is used to refer to that part of the Cuban economy that distinguishes it from the so-called traditional sectors for being 'composed of jobs linked to foreign currency gains and remunerative benefits'1 (Barberia 2008: 21). Emerging sectors are mainly composed of mixed and Cuban companies which developed in relation to the tourism industry and/or the domestic markets for goods in hard currency; some firms also emerged in the export of high valueadded products (e.g., the pharmaceutical industry). The common aspect of enterprises belonging to this emerging sector is that they sell their output in hard currency (either to other firms, to the population, or abroad) and they purchase their material inputs (imported or domestically produced) or borrow funds from banks also in hard currency; only the wages are paid in Cuban pesos (with some bonuses in convertible currency). In this regard, it is useful to highlight that mixed enterprises cannot directly hire and pay their own Cuban workers, but they must contract Cuban workers through state employment agencies.2Under these circumstances, income inequality started to grow (Ranis and Kosak, 2004; Mesa-Lago 2004) and a process of social re-stratification occurred (Espina-Prieto 2004). Studies on inequality carried out in Cuba show that in the Cuban labour market, the emerging sectors offer more highly remunerated jobs (Espina-Prieto 2004, 2005, 2008, 2010; Espina-Prieto and Togores-Gonzalez 2012; Zabala 2010; Henken 2002, 2008; Corrales 2004) as well as the most desirable jobs (Espina-Prieto and Togores-Gonzalez 2012: 277). A study by the Centro de Investigaciones Psicologicas y Sociologicas (CIPS3 2009) notes that Cubans associate the attainment of jobs in emerging sectors to paths of upward mobility (ibid.). Therefore, in this article I will use the terms highly remunerated and desirable interchangeably when I refer to occupations in emerging sectors, and more specifically to indicate the privileged condition of being a worker employed in enterprises belonging to emerging sectors. …
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古巴的党员资格、社会关系和向上流动
1990年代,苏联的解体和随后的经济互助委员会(COMECON)贸易集团的解散使古巴的国际贸易(在数量和价值方面)以及古巴经济本身突然萎缩。由于美国政府的封锁和古巴中央集权经济制度的内部效率低下,这场危机在1993年达到最低点,最终损害了人民的社会条件。这场危机的数据很有说服力。在1989年之后的头四年里,国内生产总值收缩了约35% (Mesa-Lago 2007: 1),进口食品减少了70%,出口减少了79.6% (Gonzalez-Corzo 2007: 316),私人支出减少了39%,古巴工人可以以补贴价格购买非定量商品(主要是食品和工业产品)的国营平行市场消失了;Togores and Garcia 2004: 247)。古巴政府维持工人的名义工资,但工资的购买力明显下降。社会状况的迅速恶化促使政府实施了一系列以市场为导向的改革。从1993年到21世纪初,古巴政府欢迎外国直接投资,优先重建国际旅游业和发展电信服务和矿业,例如镍(Dominguez 2004: 31;Perez-Villanueva 2004)。为此目的,它执行旨在吸引外国直接投资的政策。与此同时,古巴政府将新形式的自营职业合法化,以促进生产,并将不断增长的非正规经济的一部分纳入正规经济(Ritter和Henken 2014: 80)。因此,由于危机和改革,古巴的社会经济结构发生了变化。服务业和第一产业增长了,而第二产业却衰退了(Espina-Prieto and Togores-Gonzalez 2012),但最重要的是,所谓的“新兴产业”已经出现。在有关古巴的文献中,“新兴部门”一词是用来指古巴经济中与所谓传统部门区别开来的那部分,因为它“由与外汇收益和有报酬的福利相关的工作组成”1 (Barberia 2008: 21)。新兴部门主要由与旅游业和(或)硬通货商品国内市场有关的混合公司和古巴公司组成;一些公司也出现在高附加值产品的出口领域(如制药行业)。属于这一新兴部门的企业的共同特点是,它们以硬通货(向其他公司、向人口或向国外)出售其产出,并以硬通货购买其材料投入(进口或国内生产)或从银行借入资金;只有工资用古巴比索支付(还有一些奖金用可兑换货币支付)。在这方面,有必要强调指出,混合企业不能直接雇用和支付自己的古巴工人的工资,而必须通过国家就业机构与古巴工人签订合同。2在这种情况下,收入不平等开始扩大(Ranis和Kosak, 2004;Mesa-Lago 2004)和社会重新分层的过程发生了(Espina-Prieto 2004)。在古巴进行的关于不平等的研究表明,在古巴劳动力市场上,新兴部门提供的工作报酬更高(Espina-Prieto 2004、2005、2008、2010;Espina-Prieto和Togores-Gonzalez 2012;扎巴拉2010;Henken 2002, 2008;Corrales 2004)以及最理想的工作(Espina-Prieto和Togores-Gonzalez 2012: 277)。心理与社会调查中心(CIPS3, 2009)的一项研究指出,古巴人将在新兴部门获得工作与向上流动的途径联系在一起(同上)。因此,在本文中,当我提到新兴行业的职业时,我将交替使用高薪和理想这两个术语,更具体地说,这是为了表明在属于新兴行业的企业中受雇的工人的特权条件。…
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