Federalism as a Safeguard of Progressive Taxation

Daniel Hemel
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引用次数: 3

Abstract

This Article considers the distributional consequences of the Supreme Court’s federalism jurisprudence over the past quarter century, focusing specifically on the anti-commandeering, anti-coercion, and state sovereign immunity doctrines. The first of these doctrines prevents Congress from compelling the states to administer federal programs; the second prevents Congress from achieving the same result through offers that for practical purposes the states cannot refuse; the third prohibits Congress from abrogating state sovereign immunity outside a limited class of cases. These doctrines vest the states with valuable entitlements and allow the states to sell those entitlements back to Congress for a price. In this respect, the doctrines have an intergovernmental distributional effect, shifting wealth from the federal government to the states. The distributional consequences of the anti-commandeering, anti-coercion, and state sovereign immunity doctrines are not purely intergovernmental, however. The doctrines also have potential implications for the distribution of wealth across individuals and households. By forcing Congress to bear a larger share of the costs of federal programs, and by shifting some of the costs of liability-imposing statutes from the states to Congress, these doctrines allow the states to raise less revenue and compel Congress to raise more. For a number of historical as well as structural reasons, the federal tax system is dramatically more progressive than even the most progressive state tax systems, and so the reallocation of fiscal responsibility resulting from these federalism doctrines causes more revenue raising to occur via the more progressive system. The likely net effect is a shift in wealth from higher-income households (who bear a larger share of the federal tax burden) to lower- and middle-income households (who would have borne a larger share of the burden of state taxes). This conclusion comes with a number of caveats. The distributional consequences of the Supreme Court’s federalism doctrines may be moderated—or magnified—by differences in federal and state spending priorities. Moreover, the doctrines may affect the size of government as well as the allocation of fiscal responsibility across levels of government (though the net effect on government size is ambiguous). And the doctrines may have distributional consequences that are not only interpersonal, but also intergenerational. What seems clear from the analysis in this Article is that federalism doctrines affect the distribution of income and wealth in subtle and sometimes unexpected ways, and that a comprehensive understanding of wealth inequality in the United States requires careful attention to key features of our fiscal constitution.
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联邦制是累进税制的保障
本文考虑了过去25年来最高法院的联邦制判例的分配后果,特别关注反征用、反强制和国家主权豁免理论。第一条原则禁止国会强迫各州管理联邦项目;第二,通过各州在实际目的上不能拒绝的提议,阻止国会达到同样的结果;第三条禁止国会在有限类别的案件之外废除国家主权豁免。这些原则赋予各州宝贵的权利,并允许各州以一定的价格将这些权利卖给国会。在这方面,这些学说具有政府间分配效应,将财富从联邦政府转移到各州。然而,反强占、反强制和国家主权豁免理论的分配后果并非纯粹是政府间的。这些理论对个人和家庭之间的财富分配也有潜在的影响。通过迫使国会承担联邦项目成本的更大份额,并将一些责任成本——强加法规——从各州转移到国会,这些理论允许各州筹集更少的收入,并迫使国会筹集更多。由于许多历史和结构原因,联邦税收制度比最先进的州税收制度更具进步性,因此由这些联邦制理论导致的财政责任的重新分配导致通过更先进的制度增加更多的收入。可能的净效应是财富从高收入家庭(他们承担更大份额的联邦税收负担)转移到中低收入家庭(他们本应承担更大份额的州税收负担)。这一结论伴随着一些警告。最高法院的联邦制学说的分配结果可能会被联邦和州支出优先次序的差异缓和或放大。此外,这些理论可能会影响政府的规模以及各级政府之间财政责任的分配(尽管对政府规模的净影响是模糊的)。这些学说可能会产生分配后果,不仅是人际关系,而且是代际关系。从本文的分析中可以清楚地看出,联邦制理论以微妙的、有时是意想不到的方式影响着收入和财富的分配,要全面理解美国的财富不平等,就需要仔细关注我们财政宪法的关键特征。
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