Curaçao and the Folding Diaspora: Contesting the Party Tambú in the Netherlands

N. D. Jong
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Abstract

General diasporic discourse informs the definition of immigrant minority groups as "residing and acting in host countries but maintaining strong sentimental and material links with their countries of origin--their homelands" (Sheffer 2986, 3). Yet for Curacaoans living in the Netherlands, the distinction between the ideas of "host country" and "homeland" becomes hazy at best. Curacao, the largest of the Dutch-speaking Caribbean islands, boasts strong social and political ties with the Netherlands. The Dutch language, for example, is the official language of Curacao, and on the island, the Dutch educational system reigns supreme. Curacaoans hold Dutch passports and are legally Dutch citizens; therefore, there is a tendency to gravitate to the Netherlands, and Curacaoans who do emigrate typically expect their integration into Dutch society to be problem free. The reality, however, is decidedly different. Curacaoans who make the move are likely to find themselves treated as "ethnic migrants" in the Netherlands and considered "foreigners with a Dutch passport" by the general Dutch public (Sharpe 2005, 292). "I always thought of myself as Dutch," said one Curacaoan gentleman in 2009, a man who migrated to Amsterdam nearly twelve years ago. "That is until I came to Holland." His Curacaoan friend, living in the Netherlands for over seven years, said the same year that "growing up on Curacao, you are told you have two homes: here and there. And you believe your destiny is to move to Holland.... It was very traumatic for me when I got here and I discovered [that] none of this was true." (1) For Curacaoans living in the Netherlands, the notions of "home" and "homeland" quickly lose their former meaning. Concepts of "self" dissolve into experiences of "otherness" as feelings of belonging are replaced with uneasiness. A simultaneous feeling of disconnect to Curacao inevitably accompanies the Curacaoans trying to make their way in the Netherlands, and they become folded into and hidden within the larger, culturally diverse immigrant society surrounding them, composed of Moroccans, Congolese and Turks, to name a few. As their histories and experiences connect, a "folded diaspora" emerges. Born of disjunction and struggle, the folded diaspora represents a venue for global and local coexistence: a place where a multitudinous terrain of belonging and unbelonging, sameness and difference, converge. For displaced Curacaoans specifically, entrance into the folded diaspora is less the result of their leaving home than it is the result of being cast as a stranger within what had heretofore been considered home territory. And yet the folded diaspora affords Curacaoans a place of perceived safety and strength--an arena in which (borrowing from James Clifford) to construct "alternative public spheres, forms of community consciousness and solidarity that maintain identifications outside the national time/space [of the Netherlands] in order to live inside, with a difference" (Clifford 1994, 308). At the center of the folded diaspora, a new, alternative consciousness begins to emerge. Tambu parties--the commercialized ritual music popular on Curaqao's mainland--helps many Curacaoans living in the Netherlands resolve feelings of contradiction and conflict and creates within the folded diaspora a creative means of control. Tambu parties transcend ambiguity and ambivalence and offer meaningfulness in their place; and as the "self" becomes reestablished, new identities emerge. Tambu parties in the Netherlands have widened in scope in recent years, with the result that numerous other displaced genealogies have joined Curacaoans in enjoying a renewed sense of belonging. Put another way, Tambu parties provide the folded diaspora a means of "living inside, with a difference." At Dutch Tambu parties, youths join with elders, and Afro-Curacaoans dance alongside African and other Afro-Caribbean migrants. In this way, strong transgenerational and transcultural bonds are forged as solidarity emerges out of difference, and a new sense of belonging is born. …
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curaao和折叠侨民:在荷兰的党之争Tambú
一般的散居话语将移民少数群体定义为“在东道国居住和活动,但与他们的原籍国-他们的家园保持着强烈的情感和物质联系”(Sheffer 2986,3)。然而,对于生活在荷兰的库拉索人来说,“东道国”和“家园”之间的区别变得模糊。库拉索岛是加勒比海最大的荷兰语岛屿,与荷兰有着紧密的社会和政治联系。例如,荷兰语是库拉索岛的官方语言,在岛上,荷兰语的教育体系占主导地位。库拉索人持有荷兰护照,是合法的荷兰公民;因此,有一种倾向被吸引到荷兰,而那些移民的库拉索人通常希望他们融入荷兰社会是没有问题的。然而,现实却截然不同。移居的库拉索人可能会发现自己在荷兰被视为“少数民族移民”,并被荷兰公众视为“持荷兰护照的外国人”(Sharpe 2005,292)。“我一直认为自己是荷兰人,”一位库拉索岛的绅士在2009年说,他是近12年前移民到阿姆斯特丹的。“直到我来到荷兰。”他在荷兰生活了七年多的库拉索岛朋友同年说,“在库拉索岛长大,你被告知你有两个家:这里和那里。你相信你的命运是要搬到荷兰....当我来到这里,我发现这一切都不是真的,这对我来说是非常痛苦的。”(1)对于居住在荷兰的库拉索人来说,“家”和“祖国”的概念很快就失去了原来的意义。随着归属感被不安所取代,“自我”的概念消解为“他者”的体验。与库拉索岛脱节的感觉不可避免地伴随着库拉索人试图在荷兰找到自己的道路,他们融入并隐藏在周围更大、文化多样化的移民社会中,包括摩洛哥人、刚果人和土耳其人,等等。随着他们的历史和经历的联系,一个“折叠侨民”出现了。在分离和斗争中诞生的折叠侨民代表了全球和地方共存的场所:一个属于和不属于,相同和差异的众多地形汇聚在一起的地方。特别是对于流离失所的库拉索人来说,进入被折叠的侨民与其说是他们离开家园的结果,不如说是在迄今为止被认为是家园的土地上被视为陌生人的结果。然而,折叠的侨民为库拉索人提供了一个感知安全和力量的地方——一个(借用詹姆斯·克利福德的话)构建“替代公共领域,社区意识和团结的形式,维持[荷兰]国家时间/空间之外的身份,以便在不同的情况下生活”的舞台(Clifford 1994,308)。在被折叠的侨民的中心,一种新的、另类的意识开始出现。坦布派对——在库拉索岛大陆流行的商业化仪式音乐——帮助许多生活在荷兰的库拉索人解决矛盾和冲突的感觉,并在散居的侨民中创造了一种创造性的控制手段。坦布党超越了模棱两可和矛盾心理,并提供了有意义的地方;随着“自我”的重新确立,新的身份就会出现。近年来,荷兰的坦布派对扩大了范围,结果是许多其他流离失所的宗谱也加入了库拉索人的行列,享受着一种新的归属感。换句话说,坦布派对为被冷落的侨民提供了一种“与众不同的生活”方式。在荷兰的坦布派对上,年轻人和老年人在一起,非裔库拉索人与非洲和其他非裔加勒比移民一起跳舞。通过这种方式,强大的跨代和跨文化纽带被锻造,团结产生于差异中,一种新的归属感诞生了。…
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