Civilians, Terrorism, and Deadly Serious Conventions

Jeremy Waldron
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引用次数: 8

Abstract

This paper asks how we should regard the laws and customs of armed conflict, and specifically the rule prohibiting the targeting of civilians. What view should we take of the moral character and significance of such rules? Some philosophers have suggested that they are best regarded as useful conventions. This view is sometimes motivated by a "deep moral critique" of the rule protecting civilians: Jeff McMahan believes for example that the existing rules protect some who ought to be liable to attack (on account of their having voluntarily contributed to the injustice or aggression being resisted). He thinks we would be better off with a different principle of discrimination in warfare. But McMahan acknowledges that for the time being we must stick with the rules that we have. The present paper does five things: (1) it explores and takes further some of McMahan's insights about the importance of existing positive law in this area; (2) it argues that some of the features that philosophers find problematic with the rule offering blanket protection to all civilians have to do with administrability; (3) it raises some questions about whether the rule protecting civilians can really be regarded as a convention (and it argues that certainly it cannot be regarded as a "Lewis-convention" in a strict sense); (4) to the extent that the rule can be regarded as conventional, the paper argues that it remains a deadly serious moral rule, partly because of the circumstances of death and destruction in which it operates and which it tries to ameliorate, and partly on account of its fragility. The fifth point is the most important. (5) The rule protecting civilians does not operate in circumstances in which, apart form positive law, civilians like everyone would be liable to attack. The rule operates against a moral background in which all deliberate killing is to be regarded as murder; some deliberate killings (of combatants) are privileged in warfare; but the rule about civilians reflects the fact that this is a strictly limited privilege and that those who target civilians do not get the benefit of it. Changing our view of the default position in this way enables us to better understand the distinctive work that this rule does.
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平民、恐怖主义和致命严重公约
本文探讨了如何看待武装冲突的法律和习俗,特别是禁止以平民为目标的规则。我们应该如何看待这些规则的道德品质和意义?一些哲学家认为,它们最好被视为有用的惯例。这种观点有时是出于对保护平民的规则的“深刻的道德批判”:例如,杰夫·麦克马汉认为,现有的规则保护了一些应该受到攻击的人(因为他们自愿参与了被抵制的不公正或侵略)。他认为我们在战争中采用不同的区别原则会更好。但麦克马汉承认,目前我们必须坚持现有的规则。本论文做了五件事:(1)它探索并进一步探讨了麦克马汉关于现有成文法在这一领域的重要性的一些见解;(2)它认为,哲学家们认为对所有平民提供全面保护的规则有问题的一些特征与可管理性有关;(3)对保护平民的规则是否真的可以被视为公约提出了一些问题(并认为它当然不能被视为严格意义上的“刘易斯公约”);(4)在某种程度上,该规则可以被视为传统的,论文认为,它仍然是一个致命的严肃的道德规则,部分原因是它运行的死亡和毁灭的环境,以及它试图改善的环境,部分原因是它的脆弱性。第五点是最重要的。(5)保护平民的规则不适用于除成文法外,像每个人一样的平民都可能受到攻击的情况。这项规定的道德背景是,所有蓄意杀人都被视为谋杀;有些蓄意杀害(战斗人员)在战争中是特权;但关于平民的规则反映了这样一个事实,即这是一种严格有限的特权,那些以平民为目标的人不会从中受益。以这种方式改变我们对默认位置的看法,使我们能够更好地理解该规则所做的独特工作。
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