The sexual division of labour and women's heterogeneity.

Catherine Hakim
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引用次数: 102

Abstract

The cornments by Bruegel and by Ginn et al. (hereafter the Eleven) on my article4Five feminist myths about female employment' (Hakim 1995b) do not constitute a step forward in research and debate on female employment. Bruegel agrees with me on all main issues; herdisagreements are on points of detail rather than fundamental substance and are presented too briefly to be clear. The Eleven provide a catalogue of selective evidence of the kind that characterizes advocacy research rather than detached and dispassionate social science. What they say is generally arguable. The problem is that they do not give the comptete story and the parts they leave out change our conclusions fundamentally. To take just one example, the Eleven quote a paper by Rubery et al. showing that women part-timers are 'overqualified' for theirjobs, but fail to mention that the paper also shows full-timers to be similarly 'overqualified' for theirjobs. The paper also shows that it is full-time workers, men and women, who most often wish to change their employer if they could, not part-timers. This is hardly consistent with the notion that employers exploit part-timers in particular. They also fail to note that in the same paper part-timers report theirjobs to bejust as secure and permanent as full-timejobs so this can hardly be the cause of higher turnover among part-timers (Rubery et al. 1994: 214, 225, 227). There is agreatdeal of valuable research evidence in this source and other recent publications that the Eleven similarly ignore. On balance, the research evidence shows that part-time work does not change a woman's primary self-identity as a housewife, does not change her bargaining power and weight in decision-making and does not change her role in the household. From a sociological perspective, part-timers can be grouped with housewives rather than with wage workers in aggregate data. We cannot expect the expansion of part-time work to be the catalyst for social and economic change, and this is the key point about the myth of rising female employment, which the Eleven do not even address. It will not do for social scientists to be economical with the truth, giving one half of the story but failing to mention the inconvenient evidence. Social scientists are supposed to take account of all the evidence rather than relying on sample selection bias and selective perception to support
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性别分工与女性异质性。
Bruegel和Ginn等人(以下简称“11人”)对我的文章“关于女性就业的五个女权主义神话”(Hakim 1995b)的评论并没有在女性就业的研究和辩论中迈出一步。勃鲁盖尔在所有主要问题上都同意我的观点;她的分歧是在细节上,而不是在基本内容上,而且提得太简略,不清楚。《十一报告》提供了一系列选择性证据,这些证据是倡导研究的特征,而不是客观客观的社会科学。他们所说的大体上是有争议的。问题是,他们没有给出完整的故事,他们遗漏的部分从根本上改变了我们的结论。仅举一个例子,11人引用了Rubery等人的一篇论文,该论文显示女性兼职人员对她们的工作来说是“大材小用”,但没有提到该论文也显示全职人员对她们的工作来说同样是“大材小用”。该报告还显示,如果可能的话,最希望换雇主的是全职员工,无论男女,而非兼职员工。这与雇主特别剥削兼职人员的观点几乎不一致。他们也没有注意到,在同一篇论文中,兼职人员报告他们的工作与全职工作一样稳定和永久,因此这很难成为兼职人员流失率较高的原因(Rubery等人,1994:214,225,227)。在这个来源和其他最近的出版物中有大量有价值的研究证据,而十一个同样忽略了这些证据。总的来说,研究证据表明,兼职工作不会改变女性作为家庭主妇的基本自我认同,不会改变她在决策中的议价能力和权重,也不会改变她在家庭中的角色。从社会学的角度来看,兼职者可以与家庭主妇一起归类,而不是与工资工人一起归类。我们不能指望兼职工作的扩大会成为社会和经济变革的催化剂,这是关于女性就业率上升的神话的关键点,11人甚至没有解决这个问题。对于社会科学家来说,在真相面前节约,只讲了故事的一半,却没有提到不方便的证据,这是不行的。社会科学家应该考虑所有的证据,而不是依赖于样本选择偏见和选择性感知来支持
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