New Orleans in the World and the World in New Orleans

G. Lipsitz
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引用次数: 7

Abstract

New Orleans became another crossroads, where the river, the bayous, and the sea were open roads, where various nations ruled but the folk continued to reign. They turned inhospitable swamplands into a refuge for the independent, the defiant, and the creative "unimportant" people who tore down barriers of language and culture among peoples throughout the world and continue to sing to them of joy and the triumph of the human spirit through the sounds of jazz. --Gwendolyn Midlo Hall (1992, 87) ... so my people's still scattered Ain't like we ever mattered So I ain't surprised both poverty level and black death on the rise. --Truth Universal (Patterson and Truth Universal 2007) Unless we can control the space we occupy, we will not be able to really love one another. --Kalamu Ya Salaam (Senter 1991, 37) The complex culture of New Orleans offers us an opportunity to rethink the concept of diaspora, to discern the ways in which New Orleans is always African--but never only African. The social history of New Orleans helps us understand that diasporic models of exile and return home to a motherland tell us less about the way African identities are lived in the world than do frameworks based on Afro-diasporic practices of world-traversing and world-transcending citizenship. We owe a great debt to past scholars for proving the persistence of African beliefs, practices, and processes in North America. African retentions helped black people to counter the dominant culture's racist erasures of the African past and its presumptions that Africans in America lacked any enduring or meaningful connections to their native lands. Yet in the United States, African retention has always been paired with New World invention (Buff 2001, 31). Cut off from ancestral homelands in Africa and denied full franchise and social membership in the United States, many blacks forged ideals of world-traversing and world- transcending citizenship and cultural production. Some retained hopes of return to Africa, not just by participating in black nationalist back-to- Africa movements, but also by instantiating memories of Africa in everyday practices of household decoration, healing, craft work, and religious rituals (Thompson 1984; Smith 1995). As Charles Joyner notes, even when slaves were compelled to work exclusively with American or European tools, they nonetheless employed them in African ways (1986, xxi). These practices could not function the same way they did in Africa, however, because of the grim realities of slavery and white supremacy in the United States. Instead, these African retentions provided the basis for New World inventions, evidencing not so much a literal desire to return to Africa as much as demonstrating a commitment to living and working In African ways in the New World. They helped produce a diasporic imagination that affirmed that wherever Africans are, Africa is. New Orleans is a special place. People all over the world revere it as a significant center of the African diaspora. The Crescent City's music, dance, food, architecture, speech, religion, and performance styles all display African influences and retentions. Hand-drawn illustrations by Henry Benjamin Latrobe of performances by black musicians in Congo Square in the nineteenth century depicted instruments that closely resembled those made and played traditionally in Africa. These images displayed traces of African practices such as carving figures on stringed wooden instruments and making drums by stretching the skins over hollowed-out pieces of wood (Latrobe 1951; Blassingame 1976, 5; Rose 1999, 514). Dena Epstein argues that displays of African culture persisted openly in New Orleans before the Civil War to a greater degree than in any other North American city (2003, 85). Sidney Bechet argued that when slaves dreamed "things would come to them out of Africa" (2002, 7). Today, the parade umbrellas and percussive polyrhythms of second liners display the enduring and irrepressible African presence in the local culture. …
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世界上的新奥尔良,世界上的新奥尔良
新奥尔良成为另一个十字路口,这里的河流、海湾和大海都是开放的道路,这里由不同的民族统治,但民间继续统治。他们把荒凉的沼泽地变成了独立的、反抗的和有创造力的“不重要的”人的避难所,这些人打破了世界各地人民之间语言和文化的障碍,并继续通过爵士乐的声音向他们歌唱欢乐和人类精神的胜利。——格温多林·米德洛·霍尔(1992,87)所以我的人仍然分散在各地好像我们并不重要所以我并不惊讶贫困水平和黑死病的上升。——《真理宇宙》(帕特森和《真理宇宙》2007)除非我们能控制我们所占据的空间,否则我们将无法真正相爱。——Kalamu Ya Salaam (Senter 1991,37)新奥尔良复杂的文化为我们提供了一个机会,让我们重新思考散居的概念,辨别新奥尔良始终是非洲的方式——但绝不仅仅是非洲的。新奥尔良的社会历史帮助我们理解,流散模式的流亡和返回祖国告诉我们非洲身份在世界上的生活方式不如基于非洲流散实践的框架,即穿越世界和超越世界的公民身份。过去的学者证明了非洲的信仰、习俗和过程在北美的持续存在,这对我们大有裨益。非洲人的保留帮助黑人对抗主流文化对非洲过去的种族主义抹去,以及它认为在美国的非洲人与他们的祖国缺乏任何持久或有意义的联系的假设。然而在美国,非洲人的留存总是与新世界的发明相结合(Buff 2001,31)。由于与祖籍非洲的家园隔绝,在美国被剥夺了充分的选举权和社会成员资格,许多黑人形成了穿越世界、超越世界的公民身份和文化生产的理想。一些人保留着回到非洲的希望,不仅通过参加黑人民族主义的“回到非洲”运动,而且还通过在日常的家庭装饰、治疗、工艺品和宗教仪式中实例化非洲的记忆(Thompson 1984;史密斯1995年)。正如Charles Joyner所指出的那样,即使奴隶们被迫只使用美国或欧洲的工具,他们也会以非洲的方式使用这些工具(1986,xxi)。然而,由于美国奴隶制和白人至上主义的残酷现实,这些做法不能像在非洲那样发挥作用。相反,这些非洲人的保留为新大陆的发明创造提供了基础,与其说是证明了返回非洲的字面愿望,不如说是表明了在新大陆以非洲方式生活和工作的承诺。他们帮助产生了一种散居的想象,这种想象肯定了非洲人在哪里,非洲就在哪里。新奥尔良是一个特别的地方。世界各地的人们都将其视为非洲侨民的重要中心。新月城的音乐、舞蹈、食物、建筑、演讲、宗教和表演风格都显示出非洲的影响和保留。亨利·本杰明·拉特罗布(Henry Benjamin Latrobe)手绘的19世纪刚果广场黑人音乐家表演的插图,描绘的乐器与非洲传统制作和演奏的乐器非常相似。这些图像显示了非洲习俗的痕迹,例如在弦乐器上雕刻人物,以及在镂空的木片上拉伸皮来制作鼓(Latrobe 1951;Blassingame 1976, 5;Rose 1999, 514)。德纳·爱泼斯坦(Dena Epstein)认为,在内战前的新奥尔良,非洲文化的公开展示比任何其他北美城市都要多(2003,85)。西德尼·贝克特(Sidney Bechet)认为,当奴隶梦想“非洲的东西会来到他们身边”(2002,7)。今天,游行伞和第二艘轮船的打击多节奏显示了非洲在当地文化中持久而不可抑制的存在。…
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