Playing in Technological Contexts

Rocío Trinidad, Natalia Zlachevsky
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In this article we intend to analyse haw these variables intervene and combine themselves in the culturai consumption that boys and girls perform in different technological contexts, directing their wishes, fantasies and preferences. 1. Current Context: Globalisation and Consumption In current political-economic global context, fluidity and juxtapositions prevail. Economic globalisation coexists with political fragmentation shaping blocks where paradoxically national borders become blurred while the borders of the economic blocks condense themselves. Culture and imagination, which in 'post-electronic' context have a 'significantly new' role (Appadurai, 2001: 21), do not escape the logic of late capitalism, both are being transformed from consumer goods to change goods. We understand by culture a complex plot of practices, beliefs and meanings and recognise the fundamental role which the cultural industry fulfils in contemporary world. • Address for Communication: •Teacher, Department of Social Sciences, Pontificia Universidad Cat61ica del Peru. The Oriental Anthropologist, Vol. 14, No. 2, 2014, Pages 305-319 © OICSR, Allahabad Corresponding Author E-mail : rtrinidad@pucp.edu.pe 306 Rocio Trinidad and Natalia Zlachevsky This industry, according to Renata Ortiz, produces symbolic repertoires and distributes them worldwide establishing hierarchical relations, exercising influence and subordinating some meanings over others (Soto Calder6n, 2007). Consequently, we consider that the success of the spread tjf capitalism, as a social system, is due to the fact that 'it finds anchorage points at a subjective level' (Papalini, 2008: 16). In thjs sense, surfing and the consumption of cultural products in the web for boys and girls constitute a formative experience in relation to plunging into the consumption world. As consumers, from increasingly younger ages, their subjectivity is built to the rate of the market. On such matter, we highlight Pierre Bourdieu 's contribution with regard to global hegemonic culture reproduction. The author emphasises that what is symbolic plays a fundamental role in the way goods are appropriated-from the educational, artistic, scientific ones to even what is fashion-and that all of this will contribute to the 'structuring of the different classes' (Garcia Canclini, cited by Vazquez Villanueva wId: 4). On the other hand, the trends that interpret culture from a Gramscian approach have postulated the existence of a game between control mechanisms and resistance processes. We would like to pay attention to what children internalise from the contents that reproduce certain categories and ideas of the hegemonic culture, which leads us to question ourselves on what room do they have for their development in those processes. A sample of this, as we will see at length in point 3, is made evident in how boys and girls use YouTube. In this video hosting site, their preferences are focused in the consumption of contents from popular culture, which recreate or parody in a free manner the contents of cultural industry. Nevertheless, children are able to build new narratives when selecting or interpreting the videos using their previous experiences. This process allows us to see the unfolding of ad-doc playful practices, where their interests, customs and know-how are actively related. 2. Study and Context: Internet in Argentina, Paraguay and Peru During the past years Internet has penetrated in all of the Latin American countries, although with some differences that demonstrate the existing regional inequalities. Till December 2011, according to Internet World Stats the penetration of the Web reached its highest level in Argentina, where 66 per cent of the population has become an Internet user, while in Peru this is up to 31.3 per cent and in Paraguay penetration reaches 17.1 per cent of the population. (Miniwatts Marketing Group). The younger generations have forced the older ones to make use of the web service in their homes (Bringue, Sadaba and Tolsa, 2009). This abounds in the differences in the familiarity with the new technologies both in information and in communication among digital natives and digital immigrants2• However, this assertion could also be considered The Oriental Anthropologist Playing in Technological Contexts : Use and Enjoyment of Internet by 307 Children Ages Eight to Ten in Argentina, Paraguay and Peru relative if one takes into account the socioeconomic differences as well as the digital gaps that exist in rural and urban areas in distant places in the countries being studied. The study we are working on investigates the use and enjoyment of the web by children ages eight to ten in three schools of different socioeconomic levels in Argentina, Paraguay and Peru. Our interest in getting a closer look to the realities of these three countries is related with the 'post-industrial migration' phenomenon made evident in the south-south migration (Caggiano, 2005: 30) and in the 'widening of the gap between countries'3• The investigation we are referring to, has a qualitative and quantitative component. 1088 surveys were applied to boys and girls from three different schools (of average, high and low socioeconomic levels respectively-which as of now we will identify as CA, CB and CC) located in urban areas of the respective capital cities of Buenos Aires, Lima and Asuncion. Workshops on the observation of free surfing were also carried out in which 94 boys and girls of third grade were observed and 27 teachers, both men and women, were interviewed. In the Latin American urban context there is a tendency to retreat to the domestic ambit, a sort of confinement to their private ambit. This is so since in the investigation carried out most of the children stated that they access the web from their homes and in solitude (86.5 per cent in Argentina, 70.4 percent in Paraguay and 76.2 percent in Peru). While investigating the differences found disaggregating each school, it is important to indicate that in the three participant countries those surveyed in schools of lower socioeconomic level were the ones who scarcely have access to the web from their homes. In the Region, in the past few years, in relation to new technologies and education, State policies have arisen guided towards the incorporation of Information and Communication Technologies in the school ambit 4• Thus the investigation developed revealed that in Paraguay and Peru, school represents the second place from where children surf the web (50.3 per cent and 35.1 per cent respectively) . Although the investigation was not focused specifically on this subject, a meta-reading of the results and a reflection on the experience in which we have participated has allowed us to investigate on the relation established between boys and girls with their learning, games and playing in the web. Next, we will focus on some findings. The proposal to play freely in the school ambit allowed us to sense a tension between the norm and freedom. There is a sort of mischievous attitude among children when in school they access the sites that are not designed exclusively for children such as controlled spaces in which the use of web tools do not resemble those children spontaneously use. The Oriental Anthropologist 308 Rocio Trinidad and Natalia Zlachevsky This tension was expressed openly by a child in a CA school in Argentina when he said he surfs in YouTube and was asked why he had done it while at the workshop, he answered 'because we are at school' and afterwards in the interview he manifested that he had ran into certain contents he had no desire in seeing when surfing in that site at horne. One could specify this point as part of the complexity of the methodological strategies applied in the investigation. During the workshop each child had a PC for his/her use for a thirty minutes span. In most of the experiences we found situations where those who were more expert at it spontaneously helped those who found difficulty at it. In some cases, they became bored playing by themselves and sat next to one of their companions in order to play together. These situations revealed a collaborative and playful way of learning computing. In view of this scenario, some common sense beliefs were expressed, shared by adult teachers in most of the countries, that blame the technologies for 'isolating' children and for slavering them to the machines. Nostalgia and anguish are also expressed in the face of a supposed loss of group games and the face to face characteristic of past days. The fact is that as far as access to computers and Internet gets extended, their use becomes forrna1ised, institutionalised, domesticated and confined to private spaces. In that sense it is essential to ask ourselves: Are there spaces left for free and shared games in the school ambit? Will it be possible for educational institutions to recognise the creative and pedagogic potential of opportunities for playing in technological contexts? 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

This paper aims to analyse the relation between playing and cultural consumption in technological contexts through the experience and know-how of boys and girls. We have taken as our analysis source the findings of the comparative investigation 'Use and enjm;ment of internet by children ages eight to ten in three schools in Argentina, Paraguay and Peru' headed by Save the Children Swedenregional office for Latin America and the Caribbean, Chicos.net (Argentina) and Global Infancia (Paraguay). In the present investigation we found that over and above the differences and particularities existing in each national context, countries have in common the use and enjoyment that boys and girls obtain out of surfing in the web, but this bears a mark in terms of class, gender, age and socioeconomic level. In this article we intend to analyse haw these variables intervene and combine themselves in the culturai consumption that boys and girls perform in different technological contexts, directing their wishes, fantasies and preferences. 1. Current Context: Globalisation and Consumption In current political-economic global context, fluidity and juxtapositions prevail. Economic globalisation coexists with political fragmentation shaping blocks where paradoxically national borders become blurred while the borders of the economic blocks condense themselves. Culture and imagination, which in 'post-electronic' context have a 'significantly new' role (Appadurai, 2001: 21), do not escape the logic of late capitalism, both are being transformed from consumer goods to change goods. We understand by culture a complex plot of practices, beliefs and meanings and recognise the fundamental role which the cultural industry fulfils in contemporary world. • Address for Communication: •Teacher, Department of Social Sciences, Pontificia Universidad Cat61ica del Peru. The Oriental Anthropologist, Vol. 14, No. 2, 2014, Pages 305-319 © OICSR, Allahabad Corresponding Author E-mail : rtrinidad@pucp.edu.pe 306 Rocio Trinidad and Natalia Zlachevsky This industry, according to Renata Ortiz, produces symbolic repertoires and distributes them worldwide establishing hierarchical relations, exercising influence and subordinating some meanings over others (Soto Calder6n, 2007). Consequently, we consider that the success of the spread tjf capitalism, as a social system, is due to the fact that 'it finds anchorage points at a subjective level' (Papalini, 2008: 16). In thjs sense, surfing and the consumption of cultural products in the web for boys and girls constitute a formative experience in relation to plunging into the consumption world. As consumers, from increasingly younger ages, their subjectivity is built to the rate of the market. On such matter, we highlight Pierre Bourdieu 's contribution with regard to global hegemonic culture reproduction. The author emphasises that what is symbolic plays a fundamental role in the way goods are appropriated-from the educational, artistic, scientific ones to even what is fashion-and that all of this will contribute to the 'structuring of the different classes' (Garcia Canclini, cited by Vazquez Villanueva wId: 4). On the other hand, the trends that interpret culture from a Gramscian approach have postulated the existence of a game between control mechanisms and resistance processes. We would like to pay attention to what children internalise from the contents that reproduce certain categories and ideas of the hegemonic culture, which leads us to question ourselves on what room do they have for their development in those processes. A sample of this, as we will see at length in point 3, is made evident in how boys and girls use YouTube. In this video hosting site, their preferences are focused in the consumption of contents from popular culture, which recreate or parody in a free manner the contents of cultural industry. Nevertheless, children are able to build new narratives when selecting or interpreting the videos using their previous experiences. This process allows us to see the unfolding of ad-doc playful practices, where their interests, customs and know-how are actively related. 2. Study and Context: Internet in Argentina, Paraguay and Peru During the past years Internet has penetrated in all of the Latin American countries, although with some differences that demonstrate the existing regional inequalities. Till December 2011, according to Internet World Stats the penetration of the Web reached its highest level in Argentina, where 66 per cent of the population has become an Internet user, while in Peru this is up to 31.3 per cent and in Paraguay penetration reaches 17.1 per cent of the population. (Miniwatts Marketing Group). The younger generations have forced the older ones to make use of the web service in their homes (Bringue, Sadaba and Tolsa, 2009). This abounds in the differences in the familiarity with the new technologies both in information and in communication among digital natives and digital immigrants2• However, this assertion could also be considered The Oriental Anthropologist Playing in Technological Contexts : Use and Enjoyment of Internet by 307 Children Ages Eight to Ten in Argentina, Paraguay and Peru relative if one takes into account the socioeconomic differences as well as the digital gaps that exist in rural and urban areas in distant places in the countries being studied. The study we are working on investigates the use and enjoyment of the web by children ages eight to ten in three schools of different socioeconomic levels in Argentina, Paraguay and Peru. Our interest in getting a closer look to the realities of these three countries is related with the 'post-industrial migration' phenomenon made evident in the south-south migration (Caggiano, 2005: 30) and in the 'widening of the gap between countries'3• The investigation we are referring to, has a qualitative and quantitative component. 1088 surveys were applied to boys and girls from three different schools (of average, high and low socioeconomic levels respectively-which as of now we will identify as CA, CB and CC) located in urban areas of the respective capital cities of Buenos Aires, Lima and Asuncion. Workshops on the observation of free surfing were also carried out in which 94 boys and girls of third grade were observed and 27 teachers, both men and women, were interviewed. In the Latin American urban context there is a tendency to retreat to the domestic ambit, a sort of confinement to their private ambit. This is so since in the investigation carried out most of the children stated that they access the web from their homes and in solitude (86.5 per cent in Argentina, 70.4 percent in Paraguay and 76.2 percent in Peru). While investigating the differences found disaggregating each school, it is important to indicate that in the three participant countries those surveyed in schools of lower socioeconomic level were the ones who scarcely have access to the web from their homes. In the Region, in the past few years, in relation to new technologies and education, State policies have arisen guided towards the incorporation of Information and Communication Technologies in the school ambit 4• Thus the investigation developed revealed that in Paraguay and Peru, school represents the second place from where children surf the web (50.3 per cent and 35.1 per cent respectively) . Although the investigation was not focused specifically on this subject, a meta-reading of the results and a reflection on the experience in which we have participated has allowed us to investigate on the relation established between boys and girls with their learning, games and playing in the web. Next, we will focus on some findings. The proposal to play freely in the school ambit allowed us to sense a tension between the norm and freedom. There is a sort of mischievous attitude among children when in school they access the sites that are not designed exclusively for children such as controlled spaces in which the use of web tools do not resemble those children spontaneously use. The Oriental Anthropologist 308 Rocio Trinidad and Natalia Zlachevsky This tension was expressed openly by a child in a CA school in Argentina when he said he surfs in YouTube and was asked why he had done it while at the workshop, he answered 'because we are at school' and afterwards in the interview he manifested that he had ran into certain contents he had no desire in seeing when surfing in that site at horne. One could specify this point as part of the complexity of the methodological strategies applied in the investigation. During the workshop each child had a PC for his/her use for a thirty minutes span. In most of the experiences we found situations where those who were more expert at it spontaneously helped those who found difficulty at it. In some cases, they became bored playing by themselves and sat next to one of their companions in order to play together. These situations revealed a collaborative and playful way of learning computing. In view of this scenario, some common sense beliefs were expressed, shared by adult teachers in most of the countries, that blame the technologies for 'isolating' children and for slavering them to the machines. Nostalgia and anguish are also expressed in the face of a supposed loss of group games and the face to face characteristic of past days. The fact is that as far as access to computers and Internet gets extended, their use becomes forrna1ised, institutionalised, domesticated and confined to private spaces. In that sense it is essential to ask ourselves: Are there spaces left for free and shared games in the school ambit? Will it be possible for educational institutions to recognise the creative and pedagogic potential of opportunities for playing in technological contexts? In the investigation that took place we found that playing is the main activity that boys and girls fulfil in Internet, that the web-page that is most vis
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在技术背景下玩游戏
本文旨在通过男孩和女孩的经验和知识来分析技术背景下游戏与文化消费之间的关系。我们的分析来源是由救助儿童会拉丁美洲和加勒比地区瑞典办事处、Chicos.net(阿根廷)和Global Infancia(巴拉圭)牵头的比较调查“阿根廷、巴拉圭和秘鲁三所学校中8至10岁儿童的互联网使用和接入情况”的结果。在目前的调查中,我们发现,除了各国存在的差异和特殊性之外,各国男孩和女孩在上网冲浪中获得的利用和享受是共同的,但这在阶级、性别、年龄和社会经济水平方面都有标志。在这篇文章中,我们打算分析这些变量如何在男孩和女孩在不同的技术背景下进行的文化消费中进行干预和组合,指导他们的愿望、幻想和偏好。1. 当前背景:全球化与消费在当前的政治经济全球背景下,流动性和并列性盛行。经济全球化与政治碎片化并存,形成了国家边界变得模糊,而经济区块的边界却缩小了。文化和想象力,在“后电子”背景下具有“显著的新”作用(Appadurai, 2001: 21),并没有逃脱晚期资本主义的逻辑,两者都从消费品转变为改变商品。我们通过文化来理解实践、信仰和意义的复杂情节,并认识到文化产业在当代世界中所扮演的基本角色。•通讯地址:•秘鲁天主教天主教大学社会科学系教师。《东方人类学家》,2014年第14卷第2期,305-319页©OICSR, Allahabad通讯作者E-mail: rtrinidad@pucp.edu.pe 306罗西奥·特立尼达和纳塔利娅·兹拉切夫斯基根据雷纳塔·奥尔蒂斯的观点,这个行业生产象征性的作品,并将它们分布到世界各地,建立等级关系,施加影响,并将一些意义置于其他意义之下(Soto Calder6n, 2007)。因此,我们认为,作为一种社会制度,资本主义传播的成功是由于“它在主观层面上找到了固定点”(Papalini, 2008: 16)。从这个意义上说,男孩和女孩在网上冲浪和消费文化产品构成了一种与进入消费世界有关的形成性体验。作为消费者,从越来越年轻的年龄,他们的主体性是建立在市场的速度。在这个问题上,我们强调皮埃尔·布迪厄在全球霸权文化再生产方面的贡献。作者强调,象征性的东西在商品的占有方式中起着根本的作用——从教育、艺术、科学到时尚——所有这些都将有助于“不同阶级的结构”(加西亚·坎克林,巴斯克斯·维拉纽瓦引用)。另一方面,从葛兰西的方法解释文化的趋势假设了控制机制和抵抗过程之间博弈的存在。我们希望关注儿童从再现霸权文化的某些类别和思想的内容中内化了什么,这使我们质疑自己,在这些过程中他们有什么发展空间。我们将在第3点看到的一个例子是,男孩和女孩如何使用YouTube。在这个视频托管网站中,他们的偏好集中在对流行文化内容的消费上,对文化产业的内容进行自由的再创作或恶搞。然而,孩子们能够在选择或解释视频时使用他们以前的经验建立新的叙事。在这个过程中,我们可以看到他们的兴趣、习俗和专业知识是相互关联的。2. 研究与背景:阿根廷、巴拉圭和秘鲁的互联网在过去几年里,互联网已经渗透到所有拉丁美洲国家,尽管存在一些差异,表明存在区域不平等。根据Internet World Stats的数据,截至2011年12月,互联网的渗透率在阿根廷达到了最高水平,66%的人口已经成为互联网用户,而在秘鲁,这一比例高达31.3%,巴拉圭的渗透率达到了17.1%。(Miniwatts营销集团)。年轻一代迫使老一辈在家中使用网络服务(Bringue, Sadaba和Tolsa, 2009)。 数字原住民和数字移民在信息和交流方面对新技术的熟悉程度存在差异。2•然而,这一断言也可以被认为是技术背景下的东方人类学家:阿根廷、巴拉圭和秘鲁307名8至10岁儿童使用和享受互联网的情况相对而言,如果考虑到所研究国家偏远地区城乡地区存在的社会经济差异和数字差距。我们正在进行的这项研究调查了阿根廷、巴拉圭和秘鲁三所不同社会经济水平学校的8至10岁儿童对网络的使用和享受情况。我们对深入了解这三个国家的现实的兴趣与“后工业移民”现象有关,这种现象在南南移民(Caggiano, 2005: 30)和“国与国之间差距的扩大”中表现得很明显。我们所指的调查有定性和定量的组成部分。1088项调查应用于来自三所不同学校的男孩和女孩(分别为平均,高和低社会经济水平-目前我们将其确定为CA, CB和CC),分别位于布宜诺斯艾利斯,利马和亚松森各自首都的城市地区。还举办了关于观察自由冲浪的讲习班,其中观察了94名三年级男孩和女孩,并采访了27名男女教师。在拉丁美洲的城市环境中,有一种退回到家庭范围的趋势,一种对私人范围的限制。这是因为在进行的调查中,大多数儿童表示他们在家中独自上网(阿根廷为86.5%,巴拉圭为70.4%,秘鲁为76.2%)。在调查每个学校分类发现的差异时,重要的是要指出,在三个参与国家中,那些在社会经济水平较低的学校接受调查的人几乎无法从家中访问网络。在该区域,在过去几年中,在新技术和教育方面,制定了旨在将信息和通信技术纳入学校范围的国家政策4•因此,开展的调查显示,在巴拉圭和秘鲁,学校是儿童上网的第二大场所(分别为50.3%和35.1%)。虽然调查并不是专门针对这一主题,但对结果的元阅读和对我们参与的经验的反思使我们能够调查男孩和女孩之间在学习、游戏和玩网络方面建立的关系。接下来,我们将关注一些发现。在学校范围内自由玩耍的提议让我们感受到规范和自由之间的紧张关系。当孩子们在学校访问那些不是专门为孩子设计的网站时,他们有一种恶作剧的态度,比如在受控空间中,网络工具的使用与孩子们自然使用的不一样。东方人类学家罗西奥·特立尼达和纳塔利娅·兹拉切夫斯基阿根廷一所CA学校的一个孩子公开表达了这种紧张关系,他说他在YouTube上冲浪,当被问到为什么他在研讨会上这样做时,他回答说“因为我们在学校”,后来在采访中他表明,他在霍恩的网站上冲浪时遇到了一些他不想看到的内容。人们可以将这一点具体说明为调查中应用的方法策略的复杂性的一部分。在研讨会期间,每个孩子都有一台个人电脑供他/她使用30分钟。在大多数情况下,我们发现那些在这方面更专业的人会自发地帮助那些在这方面遇到困难的人。在某些情况下,他们自己玩腻了,为了一起玩,他们坐在同伴旁边。这些情况揭示了一种协作和有趣的学习计算的方式。鉴于这种情况,大多数国家的成人教师都表达了一些常识性的观点,即指责技术“孤立”了儿童,使他们屈从于机器。怀旧和痛苦也表现在面对集体游戏的失败和过去日子里面对面的特征。事实是,随着电脑和互联网的使用范围扩大,它们的使用变得形式化、制度化、驯化和局限于私人空间。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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