Multilingualism in periodical studies ⸻ a social history perspective

Aled Jones
{"title":"Multilingualism in periodical studies ⸻ a social history perspective","authors":"Aled Jones","doi":"10.21825/jeps.84811","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Multilingualism in periodical studies ⸻ a social history perspectiveAled Gruffydd Jones (aledgjones@yahoo.co.uk)Social historians tend to approach the question of defining multilingualism in periodical print mainly from a societal perspective. So what does that mean? In my own work it means trying to explore, in contexts of place and time, the relationships that developed between producers of periodicals and their intended or implied consumers within and across language domains.Let’s begin with a concrete example. The first title I studied in depth, for my doctorate, was a bilingual radical weekly, the Workman’s Advocate/Amddiffynydd y Gweithiwr, published in one industrial town in Wales between 1873 and 1875. What is meant by bilingual here? Page 1 was mainly in English but with a Welsh title in brackets; pages 2 and 3 were entirely in Welsh; pages 4 and 5 contained a bit of both languages but were mainly in English; and pages 6,7 and 8 were advertisements, mostly in English. The combination varied over time, but that was the general formula. Reading it over its three-year lifecycle, I was struck by five things that I think remain pertinent to this discussion.the articles were not translations of one section to the other. Even the two titles are subtly different, and the two language sections appear to be aimed at separate social constituencies within the same circulation area; the two language sections had a distinctly different ‘feel’ to them, the Welsh being more literary, more poetic, less explicitly political/campaigning/didactic in tone; (iii) the two language sections nonetheless communicated with each other, picked up common talking points, spun them in different ways: there was something organic about their interconnectedness; (iv)the inequality of reader access: most who could read the Welsh section almost certainly could also read the English, so were privileged in having access to the entire paper, whilst those who could not read the Welsh only accessed the English half of it ⸻ about which they often complained. Sociolinguists tell me this is a case of community, but not societal, bilingualism. What is manifested in this particular case is a one-sided bilingualism, one in which most or all readers of (first) language A can read the same (second) language B, whereas few if any readers of (first) language B speak language A. This enables A speakers/writers/readers to reference phrases, or entire texts, written in B in terms that might imply irony, humor, sarcasm. The adoption of a more precise sociolinguistic approach might also tease out alternative readings when we compare registers or tonalities in sections of text printed in different languages on the same page, issue or run. I defer to the judgement of others whether, or in what combinations, the same might apply to texts where more than two printed languages are juxtaposed. and finally, notwithstanding point (iv), each page displayed a language hierarchy, English being the most prominent, the ‘language of power’, to borrow Benedict Anderson’s term, whereas the Welsh is only seen in parentheses on the cover, with blocks of text only on the inner pages. Subsequent forays into the history of journalism in other multilingual contexts have persuaded me that some, or indeed all, of those five observations can be scaled up from that one very specific example to virtually any spatial dimension: the city, where periodicals are published in different languages but still interact in the same civic space, or the regional, the national, the continental, or the global. In writing a paper recently on a network of connected specialist multilingual news platforms that spanned China, India, Europe and the US continuously from 1850 to 1951, I was struck by how many of those same issues reappeared. The Chinese title of the China Express, 新聞紙 (xīnwénzhǐ), of 1858, for example (unhelpfully printed upside down in the inaugural issue) employed a Western semantic trope to transmit in Chinese characters an European ideal of the ‘newspaper’, one that drew on English Christian missionary Samuel Kidd’s usage in his evangelical news-sheet, the Universal News 天下新問 (Malacca, 1828-9) rather than on one adopted, or adapted, from a term in the contemporary Chinese lexicon. In modern Chinese/Putonghua, the word for ‘newspaper’ is 报纸/報紙 (bàozhǐ), a reminder that colonial-era impositions can be resisted and replaced (the origin of 报纸 is another, not unrelated, story!)Three quick points in conclusion:print languages are expressions of power ⸻ economic and cultural as well as political ⸻ but while some enjoy dominance in a language hierarchy, others have to negotiate their way to the page from positions of relative subalternity. that said, there exist liminal and sometimes remarkably porous spaces where printed languages meet and interact ⸻ sometimes on the same page let alone in the same issue or run. Those spaces deserve our critical attention since it is along those frontiers between languages, the shifting edgelands where terms, concepts, identities migrate from one language to the other, that semantic, aesthetic and ideological hybridities occur.  (iii) and finally, while all printed languages express some degree of power, particularly in terms of access to technologies, markets and legal systems, they can also marginalise or silence language communities that fail to command such resources. Language hierarchies, like print itself, may also be gendered and racialised, particularly though not exclusively in colonial contexts, and often we have to read closely in and beyond their printed expressions to discover what Laurel Brake has termed the ‘subjugated knowledges’ contained within them, and in the institutions and economies they structure and critique.   Biographical note Aled Gruffydd Jones has taught history at universities in Wales, China and Greece. His publications include Press, Politics and Society. A History of Journalism in Wales (1993), Powers of the Press. Newspapers, Power and the Public in Nineteenth-Century England (1996), and (with Bill Jones) Welsh Reflections. Y Drych and America, 1851-2001 (2001). He is currently completing a book on the cultural strategies of Welsh missionaries in colonial and post-colonial Bengal.","PeriodicalId":142850,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Periodical Studies","volume":"173 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2022-05-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of European Periodical Studies","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.21825/jeps.84811","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

Multilingualism in periodical studies ⸻ a social history perspectiveAled Gruffydd Jones (aledgjones@yahoo.co.uk)Social historians tend to approach the question of defining multilingualism in periodical print mainly from a societal perspective. So what does that mean? In my own work it means trying to explore, in contexts of place and time, the relationships that developed between producers of periodicals and their intended or implied consumers within and across language domains.Let’s begin with a concrete example. The first title I studied in depth, for my doctorate, was a bilingual radical weekly, the Workman’s Advocate/Amddiffynydd y Gweithiwr, published in one industrial town in Wales between 1873 and 1875. What is meant by bilingual here? Page 1 was mainly in English but with a Welsh title in brackets; pages 2 and 3 were entirely in Welsh; pages 4 and 5 contained a bit of both languages but were mainly in English; and pages 6,7 and 8 were advertisements, mostly in English. The combination varied over time, but that was the general formula. Reading it over its three-year lifecycle, I was struck by five things that I think remain pertinent to this discussion.the articles were not translations of one section to the other. Even the two titles are subtly different, and the two language sections appear to be aimed at separate social constituencies within the same circulation area; the two language sections had a distinctly different ‘feel’ to them, the Welsh being more literary, more poetic, less explicitly political/campaigning/didactic in tone; (iii) the two language sections nonetheless communicated with each other, picked up common talking points, spun them in different ways: there was something organic about their interconnectedness; (iv)the inequality of reader access: most who could read the Welsh section almost certainly could also read the English, so were privileged in having access to the entire paper, whilst those who could not read the Welsh only accessed the English half of it ⸻ about which they often complained. Sociolinguists tell me this is a case of community, but not societal, bilingualism. What is manifested in this particular case is a one-sided bilingualism, one in which most or all readers of (first) language A can read the same (second) language B, whereas few if any readers of (first) language B speak language A. This enables A speakers/writers/readers to reference phrases, or entire texts, written in B in terms that might imply irony, humor, sarcasm. The adoption of a more precise sociolinguistic approach might also tease out alternative readings when we compare registers or tonalities in sections of text printed in different languages on the same page, issue or run. I defer to the judgement of others whether, or in what combinations, the same might apply to texts where more than two printed languages are juxtaposed. and finally, notwithstanding point (iv), each page displayed a language hierarchy, English being the most prominent, the ‘language of power’, to borrow Benedict Anderson’s term, whereas the Welsh is only seen in parentheses on the cover, with blocks of text only on the inner pages. Subsequent forays into the history of journalism in other multilingual contexts have persuaded me that some, or indeed all, of those five observations can be scaled up from that one very specific example to virtually any spatial dimension: the city, where periodicals are published in different languages but still interact in the same civic space, or the regional, the national, the continental, or the global. In writing a paper recently on a network of connected specialist multilingual news platforms that spanned China, India, Europe and the US continuously from 1850 to 1951, I was struck by how many of those same issues reappeared. The Chinese title of the China Express, 新聞紙 (xīnwénzhǐ), of 1858, for example (unhelpfully printed upside down in the inaugural issue) employed a Western semantic trope to transmit in Chinese characters an European ideal of the ‘newspaper’, one that drew on English Christian missionary Samuel Kidd’s usage in his evangelical news-sheet, the Universal News 天下新問 (Malacca, 1828-9) rather than on one adopted, or adapted, from a term in the contemporary Chinese lexicon. In modern Chinese/Putonghua, the word for ‘newspaper’ is 报纸/報紙 (bàozhǐ), a reminder that colonial-era impositions can be resisted and replaced (the origin of 报纸 is another, not unrelated, story!)Three quick points in conclusion:print languages are expressions of power ⸻ economic and cultural as well as political ⸻ but while some enjoy dominance in a language hierarchy, others have to negotiate their way to the page from positions of relative subalternity. that said, there exist liminal and sometimes remarkably porous spaces where printed languages meet and interact ⸻ sometimes on the same page let alone in the same issue or run. Those spaces deserve our critical attention since it is along those frontiers between languages, the shifting edgelands where terms, concepts, identities migrate from one language to the other, that semantic, aesthetic and ideological hybridities occur.  (iii) and finally, while all printed languages express some degree of power, particularly in terms of access to technologies, markets and legal systems, they can also marginalise or silence language communities that fail to command such resources. Language hierarchies, like print itself, may also be gendered and racialised, particularly though not exclusively in colonial contexts, and often we have to read closely in and beyond their printed expressions to discover what Laurel Brake has termed the ‘subjugated knowledges’ contained within them, and in the institutions and economies they structure and critique.   Biographical note Aled Gruffydd Jones has taught history at universities in Wales, China and Greece. His publications include Press, Politics and Society. A History of Journalism in Wales (1993), Powers of the Press. Newspapers, Power and the Public in Nineteenth-Century England (1996), and (with Bill Jones) Welsh Reflections. Y Drych and America, 1851-2001 (2001). He is currently completing a book on the cultural strategies of Welsh missionaries in colonial and post-colonial Bengal.
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期刊研究中的多语言现象⸻社会历史视角
期刊研究中的多语言现象⸻从社会历史的角度来看社会历史学家倾向于主要从社会角度来定义期刊印刷中的多语言现象。这是什么意思呢?在我自己的工作中,这意味着试图探索,在地点和时间的背景下,期刊的生产者和他们的预期或隐含的消费者之间的关系,在语言领域内和跨语言领域。让我们从一个具体的例子开始。在攻读博士学位期间,我深入研究的第一个标题是一份双语激进周刊《工人的倡导者》(Workman’s Advocate/Amddiffynydd y Gweithiwr),它于1873年至1875年在威尔士的一个工业城镇出版。这里的双语是什么意思?第一页主要是英文,但括号内有威尔士语标题;第2页和第3页全是威尔士语;第4页和第5页有一些两种语言的文字,但主要是英文;第6、7、8页是广告,大部分是英文的。这种组合随着时间的推移而变化,但这是一般的公式。在阅读它三年的生命周期时,我被我认为与此讨论相关的五件事所震惊。这些文章并不是一节到另一节的翻译。甚至这两个标题也有微妙的不同,两个语言部分似乎针对同一流通区域内不同的社会群体;这两种语言有明显不同的“感觉”,威尔士语更文学,更诗意,语气不那么明显的政治/竞选/说教;(iii)尽管如此,这两个语言部分仍能相互交流,选取共同的谈话要点,以不同的方式展开它们:它们之间的相互联系有某种有机的东西;(iv)读者访问的不平等:大多数能读威尔士语部分的人几乎肯定也能读英语部分,所以有特权可以读到整份报纸,而那些不能读威尔士语的人只能读到英语部分⸻他们经常抱怨这一点。社会语言学家告诉我,这是一个社区双语的例子,而不是社会双语。在这种特殊情况下所表现出来的是一种片面的双语,在这种情况下,(第一)语言a的大多数或所有读者都能阅读相同的(第二)语言B,而(第一)语言B的读者很少(如果有的话)会说语言a。这使得a的说话者/作者/读者能够引用用B写的短语或整个文本,以暗示讽刺、幽默和讽刺的方式。采用一种更精确的社会语言学方法,当我们在同一页、同一期或同一篇文章中比较不同语言文本的语域或音调时,也可能梳理出不同的阅读方式。对于并列使用两种以上印刷文字的文本,是否也适用同样的情况,或者以何种组合方式适用,我听从其他人的判断。最后,尽管有第(4)点,每一页都显示了一种语言等级,英语是最突出的,借用本尼迪克特·安德森(Benedict Anderson)的话来说,是“权力的语言”,而威尔士语只在封面的括号里出现,内页上只有大块的文字。随后对其他多语言背景下的新闻史的探索使我相信,这五个观察中的一些,或者实际上是全部,可以从一个非常具体的例子扩展到几乎任何空间维度:城市,期刊以不同的语言出版,但仍然在相同的公民空间,或地区,国家,大陆或全球互动。最近,在撰写一篇论文时,我惊讶地发现,从1850年到1951年,中国、印度、欧洲和美国的专业多语言新闻平台一直在相互连接。例如,1858年出版的《中国快报》的中文标题(在创刊号上毫无用处地印反了)采用了一种西方的语义修辞,用汉字传达了一种欧洲“报纸”的理想,这种修辞借鉴了英国基督教传教士塞缪尔·基德(Samuel Kidd)在他的福音派新闻报纸《马六甲报》(1828- 189)中的用法,而不是采用或改编自当代汉语词汇中的一个术语。在现代汉语/普通话中,“报纸”一词是“财经新闻”(bàozhǐ),提醒人们可以抵制和取代殖民时代的强加(“财经新闻”的起源是另一个并非无关的故事!)总结三个要点:印刷语言是权力的表达⸻经济,文化和政治⸻但是当一些人在语言等级中享有统治地位时,另一些人不得不从相对次等的位置谈判到页面。也就是说,存在一些有限的,有时非常多孔的空间,在那里印刷语言相遇并相互作用⸻有时在同一页面上,更不用说在同一问题或运行中了。 这些空间值得我们的批判性关注,因为正是沿着语言之间的边界,在术语、概念、身份从一种语言迁移到另一种语言的不断变化的边缘地带,语义、美学和意识形态的杂交出现了。(iii)最后,虽然所有印刷语言都表达了某种程度的权力,特别是在获取技术、市场和法律体系方面,但它们也可能使无法掌握这些资源的语言社区边缘化或沉默。语言等级,就像印刷品本身一样,也可能是性别化和种族化的,尤其是在殖民背景下,尽管不是唯一的,我们经常必须仔细阅读它们的印刷表达,以发现劳雷尔·布雷克(Laurel Brake)所说的“被征服的知识”,这些知识包含在它们内部,以及它们所构建和批判的制度和经济中。艾德·格鲁菲德·琼斯曾在威尔士、中国和希腊的大学教授历史。他的著作包括《新闻》、《政治》和《社会》。《威尔士新闻史》(1993),《新闻的力量》。《19世纪英格兰的报纸、权力和公众》(1996年)和《威尔士反思》(与比尔·琼斯合著)。Y Drych与美国,1851-2001(2001)。他目前正在完成一本关于威尔士传教士在殖民地和后殖民地孟加拉的文化策略的书。
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