Ethnicity of Turkic Central Asia

P. Finke
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Abstract

Ethnic identity is a fuzzy concept for several reasons. On the one hand, the very question of what is an ethnic group is not an easy one to answer. On the other hand, once this is established for a specific case, it is yet another task to define who belongs to it, and who does not, and how stable such assignments actually are. This is as true for Central Asia as for any other place in the world, and the fact that, for earlier periods of history, the records—both native ones and others—use a great variety of terms for human populations, does not make it any easier. Thus, it is largely unclear, which of the tribal groups or early statehoods correspond to a contemporary understanding of ethnicity. Anthropological scholarship on Central Asia has, by contrast, stressed the rather vague and floating categories that people in the region used to define themselves and others. According to this view, the creation of ethnic groups was largely a product of more or less artificial engineering during Soviet times. Before, local communities and extended kin groups, regularly reshuffled and redefined in history, were of much greater importance for people’s identification and alliances than language or assumed genetic ties. While there is some truth in that, the picture is more complex. Particularly among the Turkic-speaking groups in the region, a steady process of consolidation set in following the decline of the Mongol Empire, resulting in the emergence of contemporary ethnic groups out of earlier configurations. The underlying concepts of attachment and self-understanding vary, however, and can be distinguished in two different modes, roughly corresponding to the divide between nomadic and sedentary groups. Among the former, the idea of patrilineal descent, or a genealogical model, is at the bottom of internal divisions as well as external demarcation; in the oases, the prime criteria are proximity and shared culture, or a territorial model of ethnic identity. Kazaks and Uzbeks respectively represent examples of these two models. Processes of ethnic demarcation have, however, been greatly accelerated during the Soviet period and its aftermath. Today, a hasty search for national identities can be observed across the region; while following lines of Soviet ethnicity concepts, these identities fundamentally change their understanding as well as inter-ethnic and majority-minority relations. This is still a very open and dynamic process leading to new (inter-)ethnic constellations and political power relations.
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中亚突厥语系的一个民族
民族认同是一个模糊的概念,原因有几个。一方面,什么是民族这个问题并不容易回答。另一方面,一旦在特定情况下确定了这一点,定义谁属于该情况,谁不属于该情况,以及这种分配实际上有多稳定,又是另一项任务。中亚和世界上任何其他地方都是如此。事实上,在早期的历史时期,记录——无论是本地的还是其他的——使用了各种各样的人口术语,这并没有使调查变得更容易。因此,在很大程度上尚不清楚,哪些部落群体或早期国家符合当代对种族的理解。相比之下,关于中亚的人类学研究强调了该地区人们用来定义自己和他人的相当模糊和浮动的类别。根据这一观点,在苏联时期,民族的形成在很大程度上或多或少是人为工程的产物。在此之前,在历史上定期重组和重新定义的当地社区和扩大的亲属群体,对人们的身份认同和联盟来说,比语言或假定的遗传关系要重要得多。虽然这种说法有一定道理,但情况要复杂得多。特别是在该地区说突厥语的群体中,随着蒙古帝国的衰落,一个稳定的巩固过程开始了,导致现代民族从早期的形态中出现。然而,依恋和自我理解的基本概念各不相同,可以用两种不同的模式来区分,大致相当于游牧群体和定居群体之间的区别。在前者中,父系血统的观念,或一种家谱模式,是内部划分和外部划分的基础;在绿洲中,主要的标准是邻近性和共享的文化,或者是种族认同的地域模式。哈萨克族和乌兹别克族分别代表了这两种模式。然而,在苏联时期及其之后,种族划分的进程大大加快了。今天,在整个地区,人们都在匆忙地寻找国家身份;在遵循苏联民族概念的同时,这些身份从根本上改变了他们的理解以及民族间和多数与少数民族的关系。这仍然是一个非常开放和动态的过程,导致新的(种族间)星座和政治权力关系。
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