Birches Too Difficult to Cut Down: The Rejection and Assimilation of the Soviet Reference in Cuban Culture

Rafael Pedemonte
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As some scholars (Damaris Punales-Alpizar, Jacqueline Loss, Yoss, Reina Maria Rodriguez)1 have convincingly demonstrated, products from the Eastern Bloc: publications for example, as well as canned food (such as the famous carne rusa), well-known television shows munequitos (appreciated by young and not so young television watchers) or the everlasting home appliances (it is enough to look at the Soviet ventilators which, despite their rudeness and simplicity, keep on relieving the unbearable heat of the Island), induce some Cubans to see the 1980s with a touch of longing; a nostalgia that was increased by the brutal contrast with the penuries that the population had to face during the Periodo Especial.Nevertheless, far from being always a harmonious relationship between two familiar countries, Soviet-Cuban links are a very complex phenomenon, characterised by instabilities, vicissitudes, and contradictions. To wholly understand the evolution of mutual attitudes, we should take into consideration the various tensions detonated throughout the turbulent 1960s. The Cuban Revolution did not automatically generate an immediate identification with the Soviet socialist orbit. Among those who fought against Batista's regime, many have never been strong advocates of the model embodied by Moscow. Others just wanted absolutely nothing to do with Communism in Cuba. We could mention the shortterm president Manuel Urrutia (January-July 1959), who even identified his country with the Capitalist sphere when he received, with unhidden praises, the brand-new American Ambassador in March 1959, Philip Bonsal: 'Ciertamente, tanto los Estados Unidos como Cuba responden a una misma ideologia democratica, republicana y liberal', said in this opportunity President Urrutia, keeping hard words to the Eastern system:De un lado, nuestra cultura occidental, que tienen por divisa el respeto a los valores del espiritu y a los derechos del hombre, y de otro, la que secuestra tanto la soberania de los pueblos como la consciencia individual, mediante la persecucion y la muerte.2Without wishing to generalise, it was not uncommon to hear within some families a member declaring with conviction, 'I am Fidelista, but I would never be a Communist.' Let us not forget that the concept of 'Socialist' for defining the revolutionary process was first pronounced by Fidel Castro in April 1961, more than two years after the 'Bearded one's' triumphal entry into Havana. But beyond these questions about political definitions - inevitable in a project in quest of meaning - what is interesting to observe is that the openness towards a multiplicity of references was also noticeable in the intellectual circles of the 1960s, where the narrow principles of the 'Socialist realism' were far from engendering a tolerant unanimity. On the contrary, the cultural milieu of those years was characterised by multi-layered propensities and by a real effervescence, which multiplied the external notions. It is true that the Soviet influence, very unfamiliar before 1959, tended to gain notoriety in an extremely different atmosphere (just think of the climate, the gastronomical habits, the languages: just some of the many features that represent a radical dissymmetry) through an increasingly more profuse arrival of artists and aesthetic productions. But it is also true that the new generation of creators and thinkers started to explore a wide array of multinational trends.After a remarkable and careful edition of Don Quixote (100,000 copies in four volumes and with beautiful illustrations by Gustave Dore and Pablo Picasso), the Imprenta Nacional intend to 'update' Cuban readers with universal literature. Of course, the heroic sagas of Soviet authors had a privileged position as well (and that they were read by numerous militiamen in order to infuse martial impetus), but among the broad range of foreign writers many 'avant-gardists' shook the curiosity of the Cubans, subject to an involuntary lag:3 Marcel Proust, James Joyce, John Dos Passos, Alain Robbe-Grillet, Eugene Ionesco, William Faulkner, and even (although in a limited edition of 200 copies, which is trading today for unbelievable prices) 1984, by George Orwell. …","PeriodicalId":254309,"journal":{"name":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2017-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.9.1.0127","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

Recently, some observers have been alluding to a sort of lasting 'nostalgia' concerning the Soviet Union, perceptible in different spheres of society. It is undoubtable that during the 1980s, Soviet cooperation brought a kind of material 'abundance'. As some scholars (Damaris Punales-Alpizar, Jacqueline Loss, Yoss, Reina Maria Rodriguez)1 have convincingly demonstrated, products from the Eastern Bloc: publications for example, as well as canned food (such as the famous carne rusa), well-known television shows munequitos (appreciated by young and not so young television watchers) or the everlasting home appliances (it is enough to look at the Soviet ventilators which, despite their rudeness and simplicity, keep on relieving the unbearable heat of the Island), induce some Cubans to see the 1980s with a touch of longing; a nostalgia that was increased by the brutal contrast with the penuries that the population had to face during the Periodo Especial.Nevertheless, far from being always a harmonious relationship between two familiar countries, Soviet-Cuban links are a very complex phenomenon, characterised by instabilities, vicissitudes, and contradictions. To wholly understand the evolution of mutual attitudes, we should take into consideration the various tensions detonated throughout the turbulent 1960s. The Cuban Revolution did not automatically generate an immediate identification with the Soviet socialist orbit. Among those who fought against Batista's regime, many have never been strong advocates of the model embodied by Moscow. Others just wanted absolutely nothing to do with Communism in Cuba. We could mention the shortterm president Manuel Urrutia (January-July 1959), who even identified his country with the Capitalist sphere when he received, with unhidden praises, the brand-new American Ambassador in March 1959, Philip Bonsal: 'Ciertamente, tanto los Estados Unidos como Cuba responden a una misma ideologia democratica, republicana y liberal', said in this opportunity President Urrutia, keeping hard words to the Eastern system:De un lado, nuestra cultura occidental, que tienen por divisa el respeto a los valores del espiritu y a los derechos del hombre, y de otro, la que secuestra tanto la soberania de los pueblos como la consciencia individual, mediante la persecucion y la muerte.2Without wishing to generalise, it was not uncommon to hear within some families a member declaring with conviction, 'I am Fidelista, but I would never be a Communist.' Let us not forget that the concept of 'Socialist' for defining the revolutionary process was first pronounced by Fidel Castro in April 1961, more than two years after the 'Bearded one's' triumphal entry into Havana. But beyond these questions about political definitions - inevitable in a project in quest of meaning - what is interesting to observe is that the openness towards a multiplicity of references was also noticeable in the intellectual circles of the 1960s, where the narrow principles of the 'Socialist realism' were far from engendering a tolerant unanimity. On the contrary, the cultural milieu of those years was characterised by multi-layered propensities and by a real effervescence, which multiplied the external notions. It is true that the Soviet influence, very unfamiliar before 1959, tended to gain notoriety in an extremely different atmosphere (just think of the climate, the gastronomical habits, the languages: just some of the many features that represent a radical dissymmetry) through an increasingly more profuse arrival of artists and aesthetic productions. But it is also true that the new generation of creators and thinkers started to explore a wide array of multinational trends.After a remarkable and careful edition of Don Quixote (100,000 copies in four volumes and with beautiful illustrations by Gustave Dore and Pablo Picasso), the Imprenta Nacional intend to 'update' Cuban readers with universal literature. Of course, the heroic sagas of Soviet authors had a privileged position as well (and that they were read by numerous militiamen in order to infuse martial impetus), but among the broad range of foreign writers many 'avant-gardists' shook the curiosity of the Cubans, subject to an involuntary lag:3 Marcel Proust, James Joyce, John Dos Passos, Alain Robbe-Grillet, Eugene Ionesco, William Faulkner, and even (although in a limited edition of 200 copies, which is trading today for unbelievable prices) 1984, by George Orwell. …
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难以砍倒的桦树:古巴文化对苏联参考的排斥和同化
最近,一些观察人士一直在暗指一种对苏联的持久“怀旧”,这种怀旧在社会的不同领域都能感受到。毫无疑问,在20世纪80年代,苏联的合作带来了一种物质上的“丰富”。正如一些学者(Damaris Punales-Alpizar, Jacqueline Loss, Yoss, Reina Maria Rodriguez)令人信服地证明,来自东方集团的产品:例如,出版物,罐头食品(如著名的carne rusa),著名的电视节目munequitos(年轻人和不太年轻的电视观众都喜欢)或经久不衰的家用电器(看看苏联的通风机就够了,尽管它们粗鲁和简单,但一直在缓解岛上难以忍受的炎热),使一些古巴人带着一种渴望看到20世纪80年代;这种怀旧之情与特别时期人们不得不面对的贫困形成了残酷的对比。然而,两个熟悉的国家之间的关系远非总是和谐的,苏联与古巴的关系是一个非常复杂的现象,其特点是不稳定、变迁和矛盾。为了全面理解双方态度的演变,我们应该考虑在动荡的20世纪60年代引爆的各种紧张局势。古巴革命并没有自动产生与苏联社会主义轨道的直接认同。在那些反对巴蒂斯塔政权的人当中,许多人从来都不是莫斯科所代表的那种模式的坚定拥护者。其他人则完全不想和古巴的共产主义扯上关系。我们可以提到短期总统曼努埃尔·乌鲁蒂亚(Manuel Urrutia, 1959年1月至7月),他甚至在1959年3月接待新任美国大使菲利普·邦萨尔(Philip Bonsal)时,毫不掩饰地赞扬了他的国家与资本主义领域的关系:乌鲁蒂亚总统在这个机会上对东方制度说:“古巴的民主意识形态、共和意识和自由意识都是民主的、共和意识和自由意识的。”他对东方制度说:“古巴的民主意识形态、共和意识和自由意识都是西方的,古巴的贫穷意识和自由意识都是西方的,古巴的民主意识和自由意识都是西方的,古巴的民主意识和自由意识都是西方的,古巴的民主意识和自由意识都是西方的,古巴的民主意识和个人意识都是西方的,古巴的民主意识和个人意识都是西方的,古巴的民主意识和个人意识都是西方的,古巴的迫害都是西方的。”虽然不想一概而论,但在一些家庭中,经常听到有人坚定地宣称:“我是菲民党人,但我永远不会成为共产主义者。”让我们不要忘记,定义革命进程的“社会主义”概念是菲德尔·卡斯特罗在1961年4月首次提出的,这是在“大胡子”胜利进入哈瓦那两年多之后。但除了这些关于政治定义的问题——在一个寻求意义的项目中是不可避免的——有趣的是,在20世纪60年代的知识分子圈子里,对多重参考的开放性也很明显,在那里,“社会主义现实主义”的狭隘原则远没有产生宽容的一致意见。相反,那些年的文化环境的特点是多层倾向和真正的泡沫,使外部观念成倍增加。的确,1959年以前人们对苏联的影响非常陌生,但随着越来越多的艺术家和美学作品的到来,苏联的影响往往在一种截然不同的氛围中(想想气候、饮食习惯、语言:这只是代表一种根本不对称的许多特征中的一部分)变得臭名昭著。但新一代的创造者和思想家开始探索一系列广泛的跨国趋势,这也是事实。在精心制作了《唐吉诃德》(四卷10万册,配有古斯塔夫·多雷和巴勃罗·毕加索的精美插图)的杰出版本后,国家出版社打算向古巴读者“更新”世界文学。当然,苏联作家的英雄传奇也有特殊的地位(他们被许多民兵阅读,以灌输军事动力),但在广泛的外国作家中,许多“先锋派”震撼了古巴人的好奇心,受到无意识的滞后:马塞尔·普鲁斯特,詹姆斯·乔伊斯,约翰·多斯·帕索斯,阿兰·罗伯-格里耶,尤金·约内斯科,威廉·福克纳,甚至(尽管在200本的限定版中,《1984》,乔治·奥威尔著。…
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