Land and Water in Tsarist and Early Soviet Central Asia

Beatrice Penati
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Abstract

Precipitation and elevation shape land and water usage in Central Asia, distinguishing the southern irrigated oases from the steppes, deserts, and prairies, where instead nomadic pastoralism (sometimes rain-fed agriculture) is economically rational. The former was included in Russian Turkestan, the latter in the Steppe provinces. The colonial state recognized land usage rights of the nomads; while not formally admitting land property among the settled population, it allowed them to enjoy it within Islamic law. Nomads paid a capitation; at first tilled land continued to be taxed as a share of the real harvest. Land-assessment works from the 1890s, though, imposed a tax based on the estimated harvest value, initially on irrigated land and then, with some differences, on rain-fed land. Irrigation was paid for eminently through corvées. The increase in the share of land under cotton did not derive from state coercion but from factor endowments and absolute and relative prices. Subsidies, in the form of import duties and, above all, a growing tax break contributed to this. Despite political claims, new irrigation had a limited impact under the tsars. While the “cotton boom” altered the landscape and local economy of the oases, in the Steppe and Semirechie (now south-eastern Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan) the natives lost land to settler peasants from European Russia. The latter received land that statisticians and surveyors had deemed excess for the nomads and former nomads. Conflicts around land, water, and forests coalesced in the 1916 uprising, which in turn initiated a cycle of violent retaliation between Russians and natives that would last until the early 1920s. With the establishment of Soviet power, a first land reform “decolonized” former resettlement areas; in 1925 and 1927 another land reform aimed at reducing landlessness in southern Central Asia, while restoring pre-war output levels and cotton procurement mechanisms.
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沙俄时期和苏联早期中亚的土地和水
降水和海拔决定了中亚的土地和水的使用,将南部的灌溉绿洲与草原、沙漠和大草原区分开来,在这些地区,游牧畜牧业(有时是雨养农业)在经济上是合理的。前者包括在俄罗斯的突厥斯坦,后者包括在草原省份。殖民国家承认游牧民族的土地使用权;虽然没有正式承认定居人口拥有土地,但它允许他们在伊斯兰法律范围内享有土地。游牧民支付人头;起初,耕地继续作为实际收成的一部分被征税。然而,从19世纪90年代开始的土地评估工作是根据估计的收获价值征收税收,最初是对灌溉土地征税,然后是对雨养土地征税,两者有所不同。灌溉主要是通过行贿来支付的。种植棉花的土地份额的增加不是来自国家的强制,而是来自要素禀赋以及绝对和相对价格。以进口关税形式出现的补贴,以及最重要的是,不断扩大的税收减免,促成了这一点。尽管有政治主张,但在沙皇治下,新灌溉的影响有限。虽然“棉花繁荣”改变了绿洲的景观和当地经济,但在大草原和塞米雷奇(现哈萨克斯坦和吉尔吉斯斯坦东南部),当地人的土地被来自欧洲俄罗斯的移民农民夺走。后者得到的土地是统计学家和测量员认为对游牧民和前游牧民来说是多余的。围绕土地、水和森林的冲突在1916年的起义中融合在一起,这反过来又引发了俄罗斯人和当地人之间的暴力报复循环,一直持续到20世纪20年代初。随着苏维埃政权的建立,第一次土地改革“去殖民化”了前安置区;1925年和1927年的另一项土地改革旨在减少中亚南部的无地现象,同时恢复战前的产量水平和棉花采购机制。
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