"Soft power", "color revolution" and "hybrid war": public diplomacy vs political technology

F. V. Nitochkin
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Abstract

"Color revolutions" are a form of "hybrid war" unleashed by the global hegemon against uncontrolled states in order to maintain its dominance in the world. Today they are becoming the main destabilizing factor both for a single nation and for the system of international relations as a whole. A comparative analysis of the "color revolutions" since the collapse of the USSR allows us to conclude that the theses spread by Western propaganda about the positive impact of the "soft power" on the "progress of democracy" are unfounded. Despite the presence of real socio-economic diffi culties and the so-called "protest potential” in the impacted countries "color revolutions" are primarily staged and controlled from abroad. As a rule, the main object of infl uence in the preparation of "color revolutions" are traditional family values, historical memory and the country's top political leadership as a guarantor of national sovereignty. The key actors of color revolutions are foreign-funded NGOs and the media which broadcast values and meanings alien to national self-consciousness into the information space and also “heat up” protest relations in the society. The point of application to seize control within the "color revolution" is the election of the country's national leadership or referendums on socially signifi cant issues. Accordingly, the most crucial task of sovereign states is to protect the electoral process from external interference, the spread of false information about elections and their discredit. An important factor in protecting the electoral rights of citizens and legitimizing state power is public observation of voting. Tools and resources of “soft power” are underestimated and poorly used by the post-Soviet states to defend national interests, protect the sovereign choice of the people and counteract attempts of external interference into domestic political processes. Promising directions for expanding infl uence on international relations are concentrated in the information, communication and political fi eld of the Internet which is still a territory of relative legal “freedom”. Among the main areas of protection "information sovereignty" are the following: expansion of Russian jurisdiction to representative offi ces of foreign IT platforms operating within the Russian Federation, development of media literacy and critical thinking of citizens, the need for constant refutation of "fakes", introduction of special programs that can recognize them and determine their distributors, prohibition of anonymity in social media, increasing legal liability for the production and distribution of "fakes".
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“软实力”、“颜色革命”与“混合战争”:公共外交vs政治技术
“颜色革命”是全球霸权国家为了维持其在世界上的主导地位,对不受控制的国家发动的一种“混合战争”。今天,它们正在成为一个国家和整个国际关系体系的主要不稳定因素。对苏联解体以来的“颜色革命”进行比较分析,我们可以得出这样的结论:西方宣传所传播的关于“软实力”对“民主进程”的积极影响的论点是没有根据的。尽管在受影响的国家存在真正的社会经济困难和所谓的“抗议潜力”,但“颜色革命”主要是由国外发动和控制的。通常,在准备“颜色革命”的过程中,受影响的主要对象是传统的家庭价值观、历史记忆和作为国家主权保证人的国家最高政治领导层。颜色革命的关键行动者是外资非政府组织和媒体,他们将与民族自我意识格格不入的价值观和意义传播到信息空间,并在社会上“升温”抗议关系。在“颜色革命”中夺取控制权的适用点是国家领导人的选举或对社会重大问题的全民公决。因此,主权国家最重要的任务是保护选举过程不受外部干预,不受有关选举的虚假信息传播及其信誉的影响。保障公民选举权和使国家权力合法化的一个重要因素是公众对投票的监督。“软实力”的工具和资源被低估了,后苏联国家在捍卫国家利益、保护人民的主权选择和抵制外部干涉国内政治进程的企图方面使用得很差。扩大对国际关系影响的有希望的方向集中在互联网的信息、传播和政治领域,这仍然是一个相对法律“自由”的领域。保护“信息主权”的主要领域如下:将俄罗斯的管辖权扩大到在俄罗斯联邦境内运营的外国IT平台的代表处,发展公民的媒体素养和批判性思维,需要不断驳斥“假货”,引入能够识别假货并确定其分销商的特殊程序,禁止在社交媒体上匿名,增加生产和分销“假货”的法律责任。
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