{"title":"Resisting or embracing institutional models of parenthood: an analytical framework","authors":"Daniela Grunow","doi":"10.4337/9781788972970.00008","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The decision to have a child has never appeared more individualized and conscious than today, in early twenty-first century Europe. While fewer couples opt for parenthood altogether, those who do often plan the transition carefully, deliberating early-on when to start a family and how to raise their child (Balbo et al. 2013; Grunow and Evertsson 2016; Klijzing 2000). On the one hand, this trend reflects greater individual agency and gender equity among couples as pregnancy has become calculable and both sexes enter parenthood on more equal terms, usually with similar levels of educational attainment and employment experience. On the other hand, the need to carefully plan the first care-intensive years of parenthood appears more eminent today than ever before. First, the question how new mothers and fathers should adapt to their shifting obligations for childcare and work is less clear as both partners have more similar market and non-market skills than their parents’ generation. In addition, more equitable care arrangements between mothers and fathers have become feasible, even during the early stages of parenthood, as more sophisticated devices for expressing breast milk and bottle-feeding have become available (Johns et al. 2013). Second, institutional shifts in gender culture and family policies have rendered gendered work-care adaptations less clear, as European societies in general favour men’s more active engagement in infant care (Edlund and Öun 2016). This shift is most clearly evident in the family policy realm, as more countries are making care leaves available to fathers and offer incentives for dual care. Consequently, mothers’ all-encompassing role as sole primary carers has become less entrenched. Third, employment interruptions and lower work hours to enable care by either parent put a strain on the household budget during a time when families need more rather than less financial security. Most families nowadays depend on two incomes to maintain","PeriodicalId":166269,"journal":{"name":"New Parents in Europe","volume":"119 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2019-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"New Parents in Europe","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.4337/9781788972970.00008","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Abstract
The decision to have a child has never appeared more individualized and conscious than today, in early twenty-first century Europe. While fewer couples opt for parenthood altogether, those who do often plan the transition carefully, deliberating early-on when to start a family and how to raise their child (Balbo et al. 2013; Grunow and Evertsson 2016; Klijzing 2000). On the one hand, this trend reflects greater individual agency and gender equity among couples as pregnancy has become calculable and both sexes enter parenthood on more equal terms, usually with similar levels of educational attainment and employment experience. On the other hand, the need to carefully plan the first care-intensive years of parenthood appears more eminent today than ever before. First, the question how new mothers and fathers should adapt to their shifting obligations for childcare and work is less clear as both partners have more similar market and non-market skills than their parents’ generation. In addition, more equitable care arrangements between mothers and fathers have become feasible, even during the early stages of parenthood, as more sophisticated devices for expressing breast milk and bottle-feeding have become available (Johns et al. 2013). Second, institutional shifts in gender culture and family policies have rendered gendered work-care adaptations less clear, as European societies in general favour men’s more active engagement in infant care (Edlund and Öun 2016). This shift is most clearly evident in the family policy realm, as more countries are making care leaves available to fathers and offer incentives for dual care. Consequently, mothers’ all-encompassing role as sole primary carers has become less entrenched. Third, employment interruptions and lower work hours to enable care by either parent put a strain on the household budget during a time when families need more rather than less financial security. Most families nowadays depend on two incomes to maintain
在二十一世纪初的欧洲,要孩子的决定从来没有像今天这样显得更加个性化和有意识。虽然很少有夫妇选择完全成为父母,但那些选择成为父母的夫妇通常会仔细计划过渡,在早期就考虑何时组建家庭以及如何抚养孩子(Balbo et al. 2013;Grunow and Evertsson 2016;Klijzing 2000)。一方面,这一趋势反映了夫妻之间更大的个人能动性和性别平等,因为怀孕已经变得可以计算,两性在更平等的条件下开始为人父母,通常具有相似的教育程度和就业经验。另一方面,在为人父母的头几年里,精心规划的必要性比以往任何时候都更加突出。首先,新妈妈和新爸爸应该如何适应他们在照顾孩子和工作方面不断变化的责任,这个问题不太清楚,因为双方都比父母那一代拥有更相似的市场和非市场技能。此外,母亲和父亲之间更公平的护理安排已经变得可行,甚至在为人父母的早期阶段,因为更复杂的挤奶和奶瓶喂养设备已经可用(Johns et al. 2013)。其次,性别文化和家庭政策的制度转变使得性别工作护理适应不太明确,因为欧洲社会普遍支持男性更积极地参与婴儿护理(Edlund and Öun 2016)。这种转变在家庭政策领域表现得最为明显,越来越多的国家为父亲提供育儿假,并为双重护理提供激励。因此,母亲作为唯一主要照顾者的包罗万象的角色变得不那么根深蒂固了。第三,在家庭需要更多而不是更少的经济保障的时候,就业中断和减少工作时间以使父母中的任何一方能够照顾孩子,给家庭预算带来了压力。现在大多数家庭依靠两份收入来维持生活