Transitional Justice as Interruption: Adaptive Peacebuilding and Resilience in Rwanda

Jennie E. Burnet
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Abstract

More than twenty-five years after the 1994 genocide of Tutsi, Rwanda and its people still struggle with its long-term consequences. Applying resilience theory to recovery from genocide poses several conceptual and moral problems. Many resilience approaches emphasise ‘a community’s ability to cope with crisis, adapt to hazards, and bounce back with minimal loss and disturbance’ (Barrios, 2016: 28; Cutter et al., 2008). Genocide, however, breaks society in a way that can never be repaired. The dead cannot be brought back to life. Women and girls cannot be unraped. Survivors cannot forget the violence they experienced. Genocide makes ‘bouncing back with minimal loss and disturbance’ impossible. Furthermore, in a society where interdependence, kinship relations, reciprocity and communal forms of life are foundational, mass death destroys far more than lives. This chapter’s case study of the Rwandan genocide and its aftermath highlights how a contextualised resilience model of recovery raises questions about the notion of resilience itself. Anthropological critiques of resilience often focus on the variability of the term and its vague definitions (see, e.g., Barrios, 2016; Foxen, 2010). This volume avoids this trap as all authors proceed from Michael Ungar’s definition in Chapter 1: ‘When referring to biological, psychological, social and institutional aspects of people’s lives, the term “resilience” is best used to describe processes whereby individuals interact with their environments in ways that facilitate positive psychological, physical and social development’. Ungar’s definition incorporates individual and systemic components of change in response to violent conflict, crimes against humanity or other gross human rights violations. Yet, it is still largely grounded in conceptions of resilience emerging from trauma theory, which emphasise ‘the qualities or characteristics that allow a community to survive following
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作为中断的过渡司法:卢旺达的适应性建设和平和复原力
1994年对图西族人的种族灭绝已经过去了25年多,卢旺达及其人民仍在与其长期后果作斗争。将恢复力理论应用于种族灭绝后的恢复会带来几个概念和道德问题。许多弹性方法强调“一个社区应对危机、适应危险、以最小的损失和干扰恢复的能力”(Barrios, 2016: 28;Cutter et al., 2008)。然而,种族灭绝以一种永远无法修复的方式破坏了社会。死人不能起死回生。妇女和女孩不可能不被强奸。幸存者无法忘记他们所经历的暴力。种族灭绝使得“以最小的损失和干扰恢复”成为不可能。此外,在一个相互依存、亲属关系、互惠和共同生活方式为基础的社会中,大规模死亡所造成的破坏远远超过生命。本章对卢旺达种族灭绝及其后果的案例研究强调了复原的背景复原模型如何提出有关复原力本身概念的问题。人类学对恢复力的批评往往集中在该术语的可变性及其模糊的定义上(参见,例如,Barrios, 2016;Foxen, 2010)。本书避免了这个陷阱,因为所有作者都从Michael Ungar在第一章中的定义出发:“当提到人们生活的生物、心理、社会和制度方面时,‘弹性’一词最适合用来描述个人以促进积极的心理、身体和社会发展的方式与环境相互作用的过程。”Ungar的定义包含了应对暴力冲突、危害人类罪或其他严重侵犯人权行为的个人和系统的变化组成部分。然而,它仍然在很大程度上基于创伤理论中出现的复原力概念,该理论强调“允许社区生存的品质或特征”
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