Cuba in the Western Hemisphere: What Has Changed?

Carlos Oliva Campos, G. Prevost
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

introductionOn 17 December 2014, the presidents of Cuba and the US, Raul Castro and Barack Obama, announced simultaneously to the world the decision of an exchange of prisoners releasing the three Cuban intelligence operatives still in jail in American prisons - Gerardo Hernandez, Ramon Labanino and Antonio Guerrero - and the subcontractor Alan Gross, imprisoned in the island. Together with Gross, a CIA agent of Cuban origin was also released, and an agreement was reached to set free certain opponents of the Cuban government. The unexpected news that exceeded the expectations of millions of people around the world was the decision to re-establish the bilateral diplomatic relations broken for more than 50 years. We are referring to a historical bilateral conflict centred on the denial of the right of Cuba to be sovereign and independent, based on geopolitical criteria and security reasons of the US, which occurred with the triumph of the Revolution in January 1959. This was an event that carried the contradictions to extremes because of the socialist definition of the Cuban process and the inclusion of the former Soviet Union in the conflict between the two countries. It is a history of revolutionary Cuba that includes the failed invasion of the Bay of Pigs; the execution of terrorist acts by the CIA and anti-Cuban organisations established in the south of Florida that have caused thousands of victims being dead and wounded; the greatest nuclear war threat ever lived by humanity in October 1962 and an economic, financial and trade blockade that has caused billions of dollars of losses to the Cuban economy.1The potential change in relations between the US and Cuba must be understood in the context of how Cuba's relations with Latin America have evolved over the course of the last 25 years since the demise of the socialist bloc.2 In 2009, a milestone was reached when Cuba and El Salvador, following the election of Mauricio Funes to the Salvadorian presidency, re-established full diplomatic relations. It meant that for the first time since soon after the Cuban Revolution in 1959, Cuba had full diplomatic relations with all the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. It will be argued in this article that the range of Cuba's diplomatic relations in the hemisphere has played an important role in the decision by the Obama administration to be the final country in the region to restore full diplomatic relations with Cuba. As will be discussed later, the unfolding of the Summits of the Americas process has apparently been at least partially responsible for the change in US policy. At both the 2009 summit in Trinidad and the 2012 summit in Colombia, Latin American leaders strongly urged the Obama administration to end its decade-long embargo on the island and more importantly, at the 2012 meeting indicated that their participation at the scheduled summit in Panama in 2015 would be contingent upon Cuba being invited. Since the inauguration of the process in Miami in 1994, the US had insisted that Cuba could not be invited as it was not a 'democratic' country as defined by the US. As the Panama meeting approached, key Latin American countries made it clear that Cuba needed to be invited. For its part, Cuba indicated no willingness to democratise as defined by the US. As a result, the Obama administration faced unusual pressure from Latin America to change in some manner its policy towards Cuba.We do not assume the re-establishment of the relations with the US to be a determining factor for the present relations of Cuba with its Latin American and Caribbean neighbours - in spite of its permanent influence on them - but as a result of long-undervalued realities that were acknowledged by President Obama in his speech, when he declared that the policies applied against Cuba for more than 50 years had not met their goals, but had been a real failure. By real failure, he meant that the Revolution had not been defeated. …
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西半球的古巴:发生了什么变化?
2014年12月17日,古巴总统劳尔·卡斯特罗和美国总统巴拉克·奥巴马同时向全世界宣布了交换囚犯的决定,释放了仍被关押在美国监狱的三名古巴情报人员——赫拉尔多·埃尔南德斯、拉蒙·拉巴尼诺和安东尼奥·格雷罗,以及被关押在古巴的分包商艾伦·格罗斯。与格罗斯一起获释的还有一名古巴裔中情局特工,双方还达成了一项协议,释放古巴政府的某些反对者。出乎全世界数百万人意料之外的消息是,决定重建破裂50多年的双边外交关系。我们指的是一场历史性的双边冲突,其中心是根据美国的地缘政治标准和安全理由剥夺古巴的主权和独立权利,这种冲突是随着1959年1月革命的胜利而发生的。由于古巴进程的社会主义定义和将前苏联纳入两国之间的冲突,这一事件将矛盾推向了极端。这是一部古巴革命的历史,包括失败的猪湾入侵;中央情报局和在佛罗里达南部建立的反古巴组织实施恐怖主义行为,造成数千人伤亡;1962年10月人类有史以来最大的核战争威胁和经济、金融和贸易封锁,给古巴经济造成了数十亿美元的损失。美国和古巴之间关系的潜在变化必须放在古巴与拉丁美洲关系自社会主义集团消亡以来的过去25年中如何演变的背景下理解2009年,在毛里西奥·富内斯当选萨尔瓦多总统后,古巴和萨尔瓦多重新建立了全面外交关系,这是一个里程碑。这意味着自1959年古巴革命后不久,古巴第一次同拉丁美洲和加勒比地区的所有国家建立了全面外交关系。本文将论证古巴在西半球的外交关系范围在奥巴马政府决定成为该地区最后一个与古巴恢复全面外交关系的国家中发挥了重要作用。正如后面将要讨论的那样,美洲峰会进程的展开显然至少是美国政策变化的部分原因。在2009年特立尼达峰会和2012年哥伦比亚峰会上,拉美领导人都强烈敦促奥巴马政府结束对该岛长达十年的禁运,更重要的是,在2012年的会议上,拉美领导人表示,他们是否参加定于2015年在巴拿马举行的峰会,将取决于古巴是否被邀请。自1994年该进程在迈阿密启动以来,美国一直坚持认为古巴不能被邀请,因为它不是美国定义的“民主”国家。随着巴拿马会议的临近,主要拉丁美洲国家明确表示需要邀请古巴。就古巴而言,它没有表示愿意进行美国所定义的民主化。因此,奥巴马政府面临来自拉丁美洲不同寻常的压力,要求其以某种方式改变对古巴的政策。我们不承担与美国的关系的重建是一个决定性因素对古巴的关系与拉丁美洲和加勒比地区的邻国——尽管其永久的影响,但由于long-undervalued现实,被奥巴马总统在他的讲话中承认,当他宣布对古巴政策应用50多年没有见过他们的目标,但被一个真正的失败。他所说的真正的失败是指革命没有被打败。…
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