Ending Empire and Imagining the Future

F. Cooper
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Abstract

French and British rule in Africa collapsed not because of an all-out assault from a clearly defined colonized people, but because the imperial system broke apart at its internal cracks, as Africans selectively incorporated into political structures based on citizenship or self-determination seized the initiative and escalated their demands for power. Meanwhile, in the mid-1950s Portuguese and Belgian rulers, and the whites who dominated South Africa, were vigorously holding on to political power and appropriating economic gains for a tiny fraction of the population. However, they were slowly moving from being ordinary members of an international club where colonialism was the norm to being outliers in a new world where legitimacy was measured in terms of progress toward self-government and economic development (chapter 6). In the long run, neither Portugal, Belgium, nor South Africa could contain the pressures coming from neighboring territories or from the transformation of international norms, but it was the colonialism that identified itself with political reform and economic development that first proved unsustainable. By 1956 or 1958 French and British governments knew that the colonial endgame had begun. But where could colonial governments set the limits on the kinds of politics allowed in the ambiguous space between colonial domination and territorial autonomy? What could the first generation of African political leaders allowed a measure of power do with their opportunities?
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终结帝国,畅想未来
法国和英国在非洲的统治崩溃,不是因为一个明确界定的殖民地人民的全面进攻,而是因为帝国制度在其内部的裂缝中破裂,因为非洲人有选择地加入了基于公民身份或自决的政治结构,抓住了主动权,提高了他们对权力的要求。与此同时,在20世纪50年代中期,葡萄牙和比利时的统治者,以及统治南非的白人,积极地掌握着政治权力,并将经济收益分配给一小部分人口。然而,他们正在慢慢地从一个以殖民主义为规范的国际俱乐部的普通成员转变为一个以自治和经济发展的进步来衡量合法性的新世界中的异类(第6章)。从长远来看,葡萄牙、比利时和南非都无法遏制来自邻国领土或国际规范转变的压力。但首先证明不可持续的,是将自己定位于政治改革和经济发展的殖民主义。到1956年或1958年,法国和英国政府知道殖民的最后阶段已经开始。但是,在殖民统治和领土自治之间的模糊空间中,殖民地政府如何对允许的各种政治设置限制呢?第一代非洲政治领导人如何利用他们的机会获得一定程度的权力?
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