The Maine, the Romney and the Threads of Conspiracy in Cuba

Paul Ryer
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Indeed, so many putative conspiracies surround Cuba, on either side of the Straits of Florida, that these theories must not be considered simply in terms of their internal logic or stated objectives. Nor are they a simple, unmediated consequence of a certain state socialist political system: the Cuban conspiracy genre demands attention precisely for its un-remarked ubiquity on and off the island. After defining the term and focusing mainly on conspiracy theory within the Republic, I will argue that narratives of conspiracion are morality tales, always presented as passionate, principled opposition to imperial machinations, from the colonial margin. Unlike scholars who focus on conspiracy theory as a late modern Cold War phenomena (Marcus 1999), I also argue that, in the Cuban context at least, these are part of a much longer historically and culturally grounded pattern.Distinguishing conspiraciesWhat is a 'conspiracy theory', and how is it distinct from a rumour, or indeed, from other explanatory frameworks such as witchcraft? First identified as a distinct genre by Richard Hofstadter in his seminal study, The Paranoid Style in American Politics (Hofstadter 1965), conspiratorial accounts of hidden, nefarious machinations are heard in many everyday contexts in the world today (e.g., Briggs 2004; Boyer 2006; Johnson 2013). Unlike witchcraft beliefs, however, narrative accounts which assert some sort of conspiracy characteristically deploy technical facts and scientific principles to buttress their veracity. In that sense, one might well consider conspiracy theory a highly modernist genre. Note that in trying to make sense of a paranoid style, it is all too easy to look for function, or truth value. Academic studies of rumour encounter this difficulty and furthermore tend to reify their analytical unit - in these cases, the 'rumour' (Lienhardt 1975; Turner 1993; Stewart and Strathern 2004), at times even subsuming conspiracy theory as a subset of rumour. While any term must be treated heuristically, I argue that these two terms only partially overlap: some years ago, Havana went into mourning, falsely believing that Pedrito Calvo, a superstar of Cuban salsa, had died in a fire. And on numerous occasions over the years, rumours regarding Fidel Castro's death - a preferred prank in Miami and Havana both - have garnered attention in the international media. These rumours may be compelling, even political, but no conspiracy or conspirators are imagined. Conversely, some of what Kapferer (1990) calls 'rumor' I would call conspiracy theory (the stories surrounding Kennedy's assassination, for example).1 Unlike rumours, conspiracy theories always imply actors and agents, and not simply events, and those agents' motives are always illegitimate and disenfranchising, from the perspective of the person proposing their theorised conspiracy.For the eminent anthropologist George Marcus, the superpower-driven Cold War - itself 'defined throughout by a massive project of paranoid social thought and action that reached into every dimension of mainstream culture, politics, and policy' - was the key context which enabled conspiracy theories to flourish (Marcus 1999: 2). However, I argue that to properly frame conspiratorial narratives, one must examine the deeper historical record. In fact, the tradition of presuming, seeking and encountering conspiracy and imperial intrigue in Cuba precedes the Cold War superpowers by more than a hundred years, on at least two occasions involving the British, Spanish and American great powers of the nineteenth century - most famously over the destruction of the USS Maine, an event crucially preceded and set up by an earlier warship and conspiracy, that of the 1840s conspiracy known as La Escalera. …","PeriodicalId":254309,"journal":{"name":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2015-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"7","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.7.2.0200","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 7

Abstract

'Americans', Joan Didion writes, reporting on an incredulous, baffled critique of US society by the Cuban exile enclave in Miami, are 'a people who could live and die without ever understanding those nuances of conspiracy and allegiance on which, in the Cuban view, the world turn[s]' (Didion 1987: 78). Similarly within the Republic of Cuba itself; hardly a day seems to pass in Havana without some story of intrigue and machination, whether over the death of Che, the delayed arrival of the monthly egg ration or as a quite possibly related explanation of the assassination of John Fitzgerald Kennedy by mobsters and CIA stooges. Indeed, so many putative conspiracies surround Cuba, on either side of the Straits of Florida, that these theories must not be considered simply in terms of their internal logic or stated objectives. Nor are they a simple, unmediated consequence of a certain state socialist political system: the Cuban conspiracy genre demands attention precisely for its un-remarked ubiquity on and off the island. After defining the term and focusing mainly on conspiracy theory within the Republic, I will argue that narratives of conspiracion are morality tales, always presented as passionate, principled opposition to imperial machinations, from the colonial margin. Unlike scholars who focus on conspiracy theory as a late modern Cold War phenomena (Marcus 1999), I also argue that, in the Cuban context at least, these are part of a much longer historically and culturally grounded pattern.Distinguishing conspiraciesWhat is a 'conspiracy theory', and how is it distinct from a rumour, or indeed, from other explanatory frameworks such as witchcraft? First identified as a distinct genre by Richard Hofstadter in his seminal study, The Paranoid Style in American Politics (Hofstadter 1965), conspiratorial accounts of hidden, nefarious machinations are heard in many everyday contexts in the world today (e.g., Briggs 2004; Boyer 2006; Johnson 2013). Unlike witchcraft beliefs, however, narrative accounts which assert some sort of conspiracy characteristically deploy technical facts and scientific principles to buttress their veracity. In that sense, one might well consider conspiracy theory a highly modernist genre. Note that in trying to make sense of a paranoid style, it is all too easy to look for function, or truth value. Academic studies of rumour encounter this difficulty and furthermore tend to reify their analytical unit - in these cases, the 'rumour' (Lienhardt 1975; Turner 1993; Stewart and Strathern 2004), at times even subsuming conspiracy theory as a subset of rumour. While any term must be treated heuristically, I argue that these two terms only partially overlap: some years ago, Havana went into mourning, falsely believing that Pedrito Calvo, a superstar of Cuban salsa, had died in a fire. And on numerous occasions over the years, rumours regarding Fidel Castro's death - a preferred prank in Miami and Havana both - have garnered attention in the international media. These rumours may be compelling, even political, but no conspiracy or conspirators are imagined. Conversely, some of what Kapferer (1990) calls 'rumor' I would call conspiracy theory (the stories surrounding Kennedy's assassination, for example).1 Unlike rumours, conspiracy theories always imply actors and agents, and not simply events, and those agents' motives are always illegitimate and disenfranchising, from the perspective of the person proposing their theorised conspiracy.For the eminent anthropologist George Marcus, the superpower-driven Cold War - itself 'defined throughout by a massive project of paranoid social thought and action that reached into every dimension of mainstream culture, politics, and policy' - was the key context which enabled conspiracy theories to flourish (Marcus 1999: 2). However, I argue that to properly frame conspiratorial narratives, one must examine the deeper historical record. In fact, the tradition of presuming, seeking and encountering conspiracy and imperial intrigue in Cuba precedes the Cold War superpowers by more than a hundred years, on at least two occasions involving the British, Spanish and American great powers of the nineteenth century - most famously over the destruction of the USS Maine, an event crucially preceded and set up by an earlier warship and conspiracy, that of the 1840s conspiracy known as La Escalera. …
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缅因号,罗姆尼号和古巴的阴谋线索
“美国人”,琼·迪迪安在报道迈阿密古巴流亡飞地对美国社会的怀疑和困惑的批评时写道,是“一群不理解阴谋和忠诚的细微差别的人,在古巴人看来,这是世界的转折点”(迪迪安1987:78)。在古巴共和国境内也是如此;在哈瓦那,几乎每天都有一些阴谋和阴谋的故事,无论是关于格瓦拉的死,每月鸡蛋配给的延迟到达,还是对约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪被暴徒和中央情报局的走狗暗杀的很可能相关的解释。的确,在佛罗里达海峡两岸,围绕古巴有许多假定的阴谋,因此,这些理论不能仅仅从其内部逻辑或既定目标来考虑。它们也不是某种国家社会主义政治制度的简单、直接的后果:古巴阴谋流派之所以值得关注,正是因为它在岛上和岛上无处不在。在定义了这个术语并主要关注《理想国》内部的阴谋论之后,我将论证阴谋叙事是道德故事,总是以充满激情、原则性的方式呈现,反对殖民边缘的帝国阴谋。不像一些学者把阴谋论视为一种晚期冷战现象(Marcus 1999),我也认为,至少在古巴的背景下,阴谋论是一种历史和文化基础模式的一部分。区分阴谋论什么是“阴谋论”,它如何区别于谣言,或者其他解释框架,如巫术?理查德·霍夫施塔特(Richard Hofstadter)在他的开创性研究《美国政治中的偏执风格》(Hofstadter 1965)中首次将阴谋论定义为一种独特的类型,对隐藏的、邪恶的阴谋的描述在当今世界的许多日常环境中都能听到(例如,Briggs 2004;波伊尔2006;约翰逊2013)。然而,与巫术信仰不同的是,断言某种阴谋的叙事叙述通常会利用技术事实和科学原理来支持其真实性。从这个意义上说,人们很可能认为阴谋论是一种高度现代主义的流派。请注意,在试图理解偏执风格时,寻找功能或真值太容易了。谣言的学术研究遇到了这种困难,并且进一步倾向于具体化他们的分析单位——在这些情况下,“谣言”(Lienhardt 1975;特纳1993;Stewart and Strathern 2004),有时甚至把阴谋论作为谣言的一个子集。虽然任何术语都必须以启发的方式来对待,但我认为这两个术语只有部分重叠:几年前,哈瓦那陷入哀悼,错误地认为古巴萨尔萨巨星佩德里托·卡尔沃(Pedrito Calvo)死于火灾。多年来,关于菲德尔·卡斯特罗之死的谣言——迈阿密和哈瓦那都喜欢的恶作剧——吸引了国际媒体的注意。这些谣言可能是令人信服的,甚至是政治上的,但没有阴谋或阴谋家的想象。相反,Kapferer(1990)所称的一些“谣言”我会称之为阴谋论(例如围绕肯尼迪遇刺的故事)与谣言不同,阴谋论总是暗示着行动者和代理人,而不仅仅是事件,而且从提出阴谋论的人的角度来看,这些代理人的动机总是不合法的,剥夺了他们的权利。对于著名的人类学家乔治·马库斯来说,超级大国驱动的冷战——它本身“由一个庞大的偏执社会思想和行动项目定义,渗透到主流文化、政治和政策的各个方面”——是阴谋论蓬勃发展的关键背景(马库斯1999:2)。然而,我认为,要正确地构建阴谋论叙事,人们必须研究更深层次的历史记录。事实上,在古巴,假定、寻找和遭遇阴谋和帝国阴谋的传统比冷战超级大国早了一百多年,至少有两次涉及19世纪的英国、西班牙和美国大国——最著名的是缅因号(USS Maine)的沉没,这一事件至关重要,是由一艘更早的军舰和阴谋——19世纪40年代被称为埃斯卡莱拉(La Escalera)的阴谋——所引发的。…
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