Collective Representation and Employee Voice in the U.S. Public Sector Workplace: Looking North for Solutions?

M. Malin
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

The election in 2010 of conservative Republican legislative majorities and governors in many states led to a major retrenchment in public employee collective bargaining rights in the United States. Fueling the retrenchment was the view that public employee collective bargaining was bad for the public. The common aim of the legislation enacted in numerous states following the 2010 elections was to strengthen unilateral employer control and weaken employee voice. This rebalancing of power occurred in the context of state public employee labor relations acts that are largely modeled on the National Labor Relations Act, with its classification of subjects of bargaining as mandatory, permissive and prohibited. Courts and labor relations agencies have defined mandatory subjects of bargaining much more narrowly than in the private sector. This is largely due to concerns that many terms and conditions of employment also raise issues of public policy which, the authorities reason, should be resolved in the public political process rather than at a bargaining table to which only the union and employer have access. The result of such a narrow scope of bargaining is to channel unions away from having a voice on matters that can improve the quality of public services and toward bread and butter issues of wages and benefits and protecting their members from the effects of decisions unilaterally imposed by management. Unions’ efforts to protect their members from management’s unilateral action may be seen as union obstructionism to reform. The Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) has held that the Charter of Rights and Freedoms’ right of freedom of association includes a right to collective bargaining. The U.S. Supreme Court has held that the freedom of association not only does not include a right to collective bargaining, it does not include a right of individual union members to be represented by their union in their employer’s unilaterally promulgated and administered grievance procedure. Because of such diametrically opposing perspectives on freedom of association, it is tempting to dismiss summarily Canadian jurisprudence under the Charter as having nothing to offer U.S. labor law. Such dismissal would be too hasty.In Fraser v. Ontario, the SCC held that the right to collective bargaining encompassed within the right to free association does not mandate an NLRA Act model of collective bargaining. Such decoupling of the right to a voice at work from a right to an NLRA-model of collective bargaining suggests that the evolving Canadian jurisprudence concerning freedom of association should be examined as an alternative to the present model of U.S. public sector labor law reform which increases management unilateralism while weakening employee voice. This paper explores the evolving jurisprudence under the Charter as an inspiration for reforming U.S. public sector labor law to enhance worker voice in ways that can benefit the public as well as workers.
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美国公共部门工作场所的集体代表和员工声音:向北寻找解决方案?
2010年,保守派共和党在许多州的立法机构和州长选举中占据多数席位,导致美国公共雇员集体谈判权大幅缩水。公共雇员集体谈判对公众不利的观点助长了这种紧缩。2010年大选后,许多州颁布的立法的共同目标是加强雇主的单方面控制,削弱雇员的发言权。这种权力的再平衡发生在州公共雇员劳动关系法的背景下,该法在很大程度上模仿了《国家劳动关系法》,将谈判的主体分为强制性、许可性和禁止性。法院和劳动关系机构对强制性谈判主体的界定要比私营部门狭窄得多。这在很大程度上是由于人们担心,许多就业条款和条件也会引起公共政策问题,当局认为,这些问题应该在公共政治进程中解决,而不是在只有工会和雇主才能参与的谈判桌上解决。如此狭窄的谈判范围的结果是,将工会从能够提高公共服务质量的问题上转移到工资和福利等面包和黄油问题上,并保护其成员免受管理层单方面强加的决定的影响。工会保护其成员不受管理层单方面行动影响的努力可能被视为工会对改革的蓄意阻挠。加拿大最高法院(SCC)认为,《权利和自由宪章》的结社自由权包括集体谈判权。美国最高法院认为,结社自由不仅不包括集体谈判的权利,也不包括工会个人成员在雇主单方面颁布和管理的申诉程序中由其工会代表的权利。由于对结社自由的观点如此截然相反,人们很容易轻易地将《宪章》下的加拿大判例斥为对美国劳动法毫无借鉴之处。这样的解雇太草率了。在弗雷泽诉安大略案中,最高法院认为,包含在自由结社权中的集体谈判权并不强制要求采用《劳资关系法案》的集体谈判模式。这种将工作中的话语权与nlra模式下的集体谈判权脱钩的做法表明,加拿大关于结社自由的判例应该作为美国公共部门劳动法改革当前模式的替代方案加以审查,这种模式增加了管理层的单边主义,同时削弱了员工的发言权。本文探讨了宪章下不断发展的法理,以作为改革美国公共部门劳动法的灵感,以提高工人的发言权,从而使公众和工人受益。
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