Knútr and the Cult of St Óláfr: Poetry and Patronage in Eleventh-Century Norway and England

M. Townend
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引用次数: 35

Abstract

An anecdote in the Flateyjarbok version of Olafs saga helga tells how Knutr inn riki learned of the burgeoning sanctity of his old adversary Olafr Haraldsson (Sigurður Nordal and others 1944–45, II, 488; also printed in Johnsen and Jon Helgason, 1941, II, 832): Þorir hundr ferr til Englands ok segir Knuti konungi allt, hversu farit hafði. Konungr varð mjok oglaðr við þessa sogu. Þorir spurði, hverju þat gegndi. Konungr svarar: ‘Ek þottumst þat vita, at annarrhvarr okkar mundi heilagr vera, ok hafða ek mer þat aetlat. Þo skal ek nu leggja fe fyrstr til skrins Olafs konungs hans ovina ok trua fyrstr helgi hans, ok eigi skal ek koma i Noreg, með þvi er Olafr er heilagr.’ (Þorir hundr goes to England and tells King Knutr everything that had happened. The king became very unhappy at this narrative. Þorir asked what the reason for this was. The king answers: ‘I had expected that one of us would become a saint, and had intended that for myself. Nonetheless I shall now be the first of his enemies to give money to the shrine of King Olafr, and the first to believe in his sanctity, and I shall not enter Norway for as long as Olafr is a saint.’) Even though it is late and comic, this anecdote contains a recognition of two important points: first, that Olafr’s sanctity posed a problem for Knutr, and second, that the best way of dealing with it was in fact to acquiesce and positively promote Olafr’s cult. In this article I want to examine the genesis of Olafr’s cult, and the important early poem Glaelognskviða, from a Knutr-centred rather than Olafr-centred perspective; as will be seen, this is more or less equivalent to taking a view from England rather than a view from Norway. In short, the question to be asked is: what was the attitude of Knutr and his dynasty towards the cult of Olafr? In attempting to answer it, I shall place skaldic verse alongside Anglo-Saxon history, in the belief that the two are mutually illuminating; the investigation will also, I hope, cast light on various aspects of Anglo-Scandinavian elite culture in the second quarter of the eleventh century. In what follows, I shall look firstly at the context of Glaelognskviða, secondly at its content, and thirdly for confirmation elsewhere of what it implies about Knutr and the cult of St Olafr.
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Knútr和圣崇拜Óláfr: 11世纪挪威和英国的诗歌和赞助
在 Flateyjarbok 版本的《奥拉夫传奇-赫尔加》中,有一则轶事讲述了克努特尔-因里基如何得知他的老对手奥拉夫-哈拉尔德松(Sigurður Nordal and others 1944-45, II, 488; also printed in Johnsen and Jon Helgason, 1941, II, 832)正在茁壮成长:Þorir hundr ferr til Englands ok segir Knuti konungi allt, hversu farit hafði.他的名字是 "鬣狗"(þessa sogu)。他的驰骋,他的翱翔。他说:"我的生命是神圣的,我的世界是神圣的,我的生活是神圣的。'(Þorir hundr 去了英国,把发生的一切都告诉了国王克努特尔。国王听后非常不高兴。Þorir问这是什么原因。国王回答说:"我本来以为我们中会有一个人成为圣人,我自己也是这么想的。尽管如此,我现在将是他的敌人中第一个向奥拉夫国王的神龛捐钱的人,也是第一个相信他是圣人的人,只要奥拉夫还是圣人,我就不会进入挪威。) 尽管这则轶事既晚又滑稽,但它包含了对两个重要问题的认识:第一,奥拉夫的神圣性给克努特尔带来了麻烦;第二,解决这个问题的最好办法实际上是默认并积极宣传对奥拉夫的崇拜。在本文中,我将从以克努特尔为中心而不是以奥拉弗为中心的角度来探讨奥拉弗崇拜的起源以及重要的早期诗歌《Glaelognskviða》。简而言之,我们要问的问题是:克努特尔及其王朝对奥拉弗崇拜持什么态度?在试图回答这个问题时,我将把斯卡尔德诗歌与盎格鲁-撒克逊历史放在一起,因为我相信这两者可以相互启发;我希望,这项调查还将揭示十一世纪第二季度盎格鲁-斯堪的纳维亚精英文化的各个方面。在下文中,我将首先探讨《Glaelognskviða》的背景,其次是它的内容,第三是在其他地方确认它对克努特尔和圣奥拉夫尔崇拜的暗示。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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