Introduction: Ethnic, Civic, or Both? The Ethnicities of Kazakhstan in Search of an Identity and Homeland

B. Eschment, B. De Cordier
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Thirty years after its independence by-fait-accompli, Kazakhstan, both as a polity and as a society, is still trying to manage the formation of its national and civic identity. Kazakhstan and the Central Asian region in general have somehow always been subject to clichés involving a ‘hotbed of ethnic tensions.’ During the period between 1985–1995, it was often assumed that the ethnic hyper-diversity that characterized the Kazakh Soviet republic and the deep societal crises caused by the decline and demise of the Soviet Union would inevitably result in open ethnic conflict, if not in the breakup of the country. Despite a series of local incidents, such a scenario did not materialize. This suggests the existence of a viable level of both state legitimacy and societal cohesion. The tragic events in Yugoslavia, the Caucasus, and Tajikistan in the 1990s might also have dissuaded Kazakhstan from large-scale unrest. To this day, however, the definition and practice of an identity—offered by the state and state-affiliated civil society—which all citizens, regardless of their ethnicity, are able to identify with is crucial, not only for the country’s aspired international reputation, but also for internal cohesion and stability. The official statements about the success thus far of the multi-ethnic civic model of Kazakhstan, developed under its first president, Nursultan Nazarbayev, are open for interpretation. However, the contributions in this article cluster suggest that the majority of the population somehow assesses this development as positive, or at least agrees that things could have been worse. There is no doubt that society and the state have become ethnically ‘more Kazakh’ in the years since independence. This is demonstrated by the composition of its population and the share of the titular Kazakh population, going from 40% in 1989 (a minority in their own titular republic) to 68.5% in 2020. This shift is also noticeable at the local level. Kazakhs now form majorities in cities and provinces that had clear non-Kazakh majorities or ethnically diverse populations dating back to 1989, the year of the last Soviet census. For example, if ethnic Kazakhs formed less than one-quarter of Almaty’s population in 1989 (when it was still Alma-Ata, the capital of the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic), their share is now likely closer to two-thirds. In Atyrau on
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介绍:民族、公民还是两者兼而有之?寻找身份和家园的哈萨克斯坦各民族
在既成事实独立30年后,哈萨克斯坦作为一个政体和一个社会,仍在设法形成其民族和公民身份。哈萨克斯坦和整个中亚地区在某种程度上总是受制于涉及“种族紧张温床”的陈词滥调。在1985年至1995年期间,人们通常认为,哈萨克苏维埃共和国的民族高度多样性以及苏联衰落和消亡所造成的深刻社会危机,即使不会导致国家解体,也将不可避免地导致公开的民族冲突。尽管当地发生了一系列事件,但这一设想并未实现。这表明存在一个可行的国家合法性和社会凝聚力水平。上世纪90年代发生在南斯拉夫、高加索和塔吉克斯坦的悲剧性事件或许也阻止了哈萨克斯坦发生大规模动乱。然而,直到今天,由国家和附属于国家的公民社会提供的身份的定义和实践,无论其种族如何,所有公民都能够认同,这不仅对国家渴望的国际声誉至关重要,而且对内部凝聚力和稳定也至关重要。哈萨克斯坦在首任总统努尔苏丹·纳扎尔巴耶夫(Nursultan Nazarbayev)领导下建立的多民族公民模式迄今取得了成功,官方声明对此有不同的解释。然而,本文中的贡献表明,大多数人在某种程度上认为这种发展是积极的,或者至少同意情况可能会更糟。毫无疑问,自独立以来,社会和国家在民族上变得“更加哈萨克”。这一点可以从其人口构成和名义上的哈萨克人口比例中得到证明,从1989年的40%(在他们自己的名义共和国中是少数民族)到2020年的68.5%。这种转变在地方层面也很明显。哈萨克人现在在非哈萨克人占多数的城市和省份中占多数,这些城市和省份的人口可以追溯到1989年,那是苏联最后一次人口普查。例如,如果哈萨克族人在1989年占阿拉木图人口的不到四分之一(当时阿拉木图还是哈萨克斯坦苏维埃社会主义共和国的首都),那么他们的比例现在可能接近三分之二。在阿特劳
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