{"title":"Democracy and the Politicization of Inequality in Brazil, 1989–2018","authors":"A. Gethin, Marc Morgan","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.17","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyses the transformation of electoral cleavages in Brazil since 1989 using a novel assembly of electoral surveys. Brazilian political history since redemocratization is largely a history of the rise and fall of the Workers’ Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores, PT). We show that the election of Lula da Silva as President in 2002, followed by the implementation of redistributive policies by successive PT governments, was at the origin of the marked socioeconomic cleavages that emerged. In a relatively short space of time the PT transformed itself from a party of the young, highly educated, high-income elite of the Southern party of the country, to a party of the poor and lesser educated voters, increasingly located in the disadvantaged region of the Northeast. Controlling for a host of socio-demographic factors, a voter in the Northeast was 20 percentage points more likely to vote for the PT in 2018 than voters in other regions, compared to being 5 percentage points less likely to do so in 1989. In sharp contrast to other western democracies, political conflict in Brazil has followed an increasingly unidimensional class-based path. This culminated in the unification of elites and large parts of the middle class behind Bolsonaro in the 2018 presidential election. We argue that contextual policy-driven factors and programmatic alliances are key to understand the PT’s singular evolution, and thus the transformation of electoral cleavages in Brazil. * Amory Gethin (amory.gething@psemail.eu), Marc Morgan (marc.morgan@psemail.eu): Paris School of Economics – World Inequality Lab. We thank Gedeão Locks, Clara Martínez-Toledano, Thomas Piketty, and Thiago Scarelli for helpful comments.","PeriodicalId":337220,"journal":{"name":"Political Cleavages and Social Inequalities","volume":"118 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2021-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Political Cleavages and Social Inequalities","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.17","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Abstract
This paper analyses the transformation of electoral cleavages in Brazil since 1989 using a novel assembly of electoral surveys. Brazilian political history since redemocratization is largely a history of the rise and fall of the Workers’ Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores, PT). We show that the election of Lula da Silva as President in 2002, followed by the implementation of redistributive policies by successive PT governments, was at the origin of the marked socioeconomic cleavages that emerged. In a relatively short space of time the PT transformed itself from a party of the young, highly educated, high-income elite of the Southern party of the country, to a party of the poor and lesser educated voters, increasingly located in the disadvantaged region of the Northeast. Controlling for a host of socio-demographic factors, a voter in the Northeast was 20 percentage points more likely to vote for the PT in 2018 than voters in other regions, compared to being 5 percentage points less likely to do so in 1989. In sharp contrast to other western democracies, political conflict in Brazil has followed an increasingly unidimensional class-based path. This culminated in the unification of elites and large parts of the middle class behind Bolsonaro in the 2018 presidential election. We argue that contextual policy-driven factors and programmatic alliances are key to understand the PT’s singular evolution, and thus the transformation of electoral cleavages in Brazil. * Amory Gethin (amory.gething@psemail.eu), Marc Morgan (marc.morgan@psemail.eu): Paris School of Economics – World Inequality Lab. We thank Gedeão Locks, Clara Martínez-Toledano, Thomas Piketty, and Thiago Scarelli for helpful comments.
本文分析了自1989年以来巴西选举分裂的转变,使用了一种新颖的选举调查集合。自再民主化以来的巴西政治史在很大程度上是一部工人党(Partido dos Trabalhadores, PT)兴衰的历史。我们表明,卢拉·达席尔瓦于2002年当选总统,随后连续几届劳工党政府实施了再分配政策,这是出现的明显的社会经济分裂的根源。在相对较短的时间内,为泰党从一个年轻的、受过高等教育的、高收入的南部政党精英转变为一个贫穷的、受教育程度较低的选民的政党,越来越多地出现在东北的弱势地区。在控制了一系列社会人口因素后,2018年,东北选民投票给为泰党的可能性比其他地区高出20个百分点,而1989年这一比例为5个百分点。与其它西方民主国家形成鲜明对比的是,巴西的政治冲突遵循的是一种日益单一的、以阶级为基础的道路。在2018年的总统选举中,精英和大部分中产阶级团结在博尔索纳罗的背后,这达到了高潮。我们认为,背景政策驱动因素和纲领联盟是理解巴西工人党独特演变的关键,因此也有助于理解巴西选举分裂的转变。* Amory Gethin (amory.gething@psemail.eu)、Marc Morgan (marc.morgan@psemail.eu):巴黎经济学院-世界不平等实验室。我们感谢gede o Locks、Clara Martínez-Toledano、Thomas Piketty和Thiago Scarelli的有益评论。