(Post)-Soviet Diaspora in Cuba

J. C. Cabrera, María Regina Cano Orúe, D. Samsónov
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引用次数: 3

Abstract

IntroductionThe transdisciplinary field of post-Soviet studies emerged in 1992 as a sort of 'adaptive gesture' intended to assimilate the former USSR and the areas previously exposed to its geopolitical influence to a post-colonial status.1 Geopolitically speaking, before 1990 such areas obviously included Cuba.2While political and economic relations between Cuba and the USSR (as well as between Cuba and Russia: before 1917 and after 1991) have inspired numerous publications (although not normally branded - at least in the Cuban Archipelago - as part of the post-Soviet studies field), the number of media projects3 and research papers -especially in Cuba4 - about the Soviet and postSoviet5 cultural impact on the Cuban society is much smaller. For most Cubans who stayed in the country after the 1990s debacle, the geographically distant Soviet influence on Cuba had been lived as something nigh and visible in many spheres of professional activities, academia and everyday life, including literature, cinema, drama, sciences, visual arts, TV and the domestic market. Also, the post-Soviet condition in Cuba is emphatically linked to the (later re-interpreted as commonplace) experiences of Cubans who travelled or temporarily lived in the USSR (and other countries under its geopolitical influence) during the 30-year period of political closeness. Cuban geography itself - both at macro (polity/ country/nation/Archipelago) and micro (neighbourhoods, workplaces, landscapes) levels - provided settings in which Cubans shared social-space proximities with some 'Soviet' or 'Russian' ('Ukrainian', etc.) person(s) - or their children - who years ago came to live here. Nonetheless, the persistence in Cuba of a large diaspora of Soviet origin is still one of the less publicised aspects of the Cuban post-Soviet condition. This appears rather surprising, as the (post)-Soviet diaspora has stable family, kinship, friendship and professional links with Cubans, particularly those (ca. half a million) who studied in the USSR in 196191, many of whom keep key roles in the country's technical, military, entrepreneurial, intellectual, administrative and professional milieus.Our current aim is systematizing the basic facts about the (post)-Soviet diaspora in Cuba, as part of a broader area of post-Soviet studies, nowadays emerging in Cuba. Firstly, we want to make public the very existence of the diaspora as a relevant element of the Cuban reality: despite its numeric strength, the (post)-Soviet diaspora is barely mentioned in Cuban and foreign research, reference and media materials devoted to the ethnic composition of the present-day Cuban people. Although analysing the very causes of this 'invisibility issue' per se merits a separate paper, we start with some considerations on this topic. Next, we establish terminological conventions, provide some basic - statistical and socio-historical - information gathered in our research, and discuss some relevant fieldwork findings, centred in the diaspora's subjectivities. Our main goal is elucidating the core demographic, gender, ethnographic, historical, cultural and political aspects of the (post)-Soviet diaspora in Cuba. Our methodology is based upon in-depth interviews, life histories, participant observation and analysis of the census data.An invisible Diaspora?As a set of ethnicities relatively recent in entering the Cuban 'Ajiaco',6 (post)Soviet cultural and demographic components 'enjoy' a sort of 'dual' hermeneutics of [in]visibility in the current Cuban imaginary: on one hand, provided that the 35+ generations perceived the close Cuban-Soviet ties as commonsensical, the diaspora tends to be (sort of) 'naturalized' as a predictable part of the (post)Soviet Cuban landscape7 (and for being so normal it is assumed not requiring any special attention, both from socio-political institutions, and the intellectual/ cultural/media actors); on the other hand - and paradoxically, in a sense - it is still felt as somewhat 'alien', so it is not normally mentioned in the standard set of the 'ethnic roots of the Cuban nationality' (i. …
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(后)苏联侨民在古巴
后苏联研究的跨学科领域出现于1992年,作为一种“适应性姿态”,旨在将前苏联和以前受其地缘政治影响的地区同化为后殖民状态从地缘政治上讲,1990年以前这些地区显然包括古巴。2古巴与苏联(以及古巴与俄罗斯)之间的政治和经济关系:在1917年之前和1991年之后)有大量的出版物(尽管通常不被标记为后苏联研究领域的一部分,至少在古巴群岛),关于苏联和后苏联文化对古巴社会影响的媒体项目和研究论文的数量要少得多,特别是在古巴。对于1990年代崩溃后留在古巴的大多数古巴人来说,苏联对古巴地理上遥远的影响在许多专业活动、学术界和日常生活领域,包括文学、电影、戏剧、科学、视觉艺术、电视和国内市场,都是近在咫尺、可见的。此外,古巴后苏联时期的情况与古巴人在苏联(以及受其地缘政治影响的其他国家)旅行或暂时居住的30年政治亲密时期的经历(后来被重新解释为老生滥调)密切相关。古巴地理本身——无论是宏观的(政体/国家/民族/群岛)还是微观的(社区、工作场所、景观)——都为古巴人提供了与多年前来到这里生活的一些“苏联”或“俄罗斯”(“乌克兰”等)人或他们的子女共享社会空间的环境。尽管如此,大量苏联血统的侨民仍在古巴持续存在,这仍然是古巴后苏联时期鲜为人知的情况之一。这似乎相当令人惊讶,因为(后)苏联侨民与古巴人有着稳定的家庭、亲属关系、友谊和专业联系,特别是那些在196191年在苏联学习的人(约50万),他们中的许多人在该国的技术、军事、企业、知识、行政和专业环境中担任关键角色。我们目前的目标是将古巴(后)苏联侨民的基本事实系统化,作为古巴目前出现的更广泛的后苏联研究领域的一部分。首先,我们想公开散居侨民的存在,作为古巴现实的相关因素:尽管人数众多,但(后)苏联散居侨民在古巴和外国研究、参考和媒体材料中几乎没有提到当今古巴人民的种族构成。虽然分析这种“隐形问题”的原因本身值得另写一篇论文,但我们还是从这个主题的一些考虑开始。接下来,我们建立术语惯例,提供在我们的研究中收集的一些基本的统计和社会历史信息,并讨论一些相关的实地调查结果,以散居侨民的主体性为中心。我们的主要目标是阐明古巴(后)苏联侨民的核心人口、性别、民族志、历史、文化和政治方面。我们的方法是基于深入访谈,生活史,参与观察和人口普查数据的分析。无形的散居?作为一组相对较新进入古巴“阿加科”的种族,6(后)苏联文化和人口组成部分在当前古巴想象中“享受”一种“双重”可见性的解释学:一方面,如果35代以上的人认为古巴与苏联的密切关系是常识,那么散居的人往往(有点)“归化”是(后)苏联时代古巴景观的一个可预见的组成部分7(由于如此正常,它被认为不需要任何特别的关注,无论是社会政治机构,还是知识分子/文化/媒体演员);另一方面,在某种意义上,它仍然被认为是“外来的”,因此在“古巴国籍的种族根源”的标准集中通常不会提到它(网址:. ...)
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