{"title":"Bringing Together Forms of Collective Engagement in Youth Transitions","authors":"Valentina Cuzzocrea, Ben Gook, Bjørn Schiermer","doi":"10.1163/9789004466340_002","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Since the 1990s, individualisation theories have strongly influenced discussions about youth transitions. Faced with apprehending increased complexity, and how young people handle it, much scholarly research on transitions has thus depicted youth as ‘sole travellers’. This insight holds some truth for lives lived in neoliberalised, financialised capitalist societies – and the resulting uncertainty that is widely felt and documented among people in such societies. Bauman was surely right to notice that ‘uncertainty is a powerful individualising force’ today (2001: 24). This issue is pronounced in studies of precarity, itself a dominant theme in understanding how young people today navigate uncertain pathways towards adulthood (Biggart and Walther 2006, Côté 2002). For Beck, individuals work to find ‘biographic solutions to systemic contradictions’ (1992: 137, see also Beck and BeckGernsheim 2002, Bauman 2001). Further, developments of the individualisation thesis have fuelled a debate on the priority of agency versus structure in the study of youth and beyond (see for instance Brannen and Nilsen 2002 and 2005). This debate also encompasses arguments related to a possible misreading of the work by Ulrich Beck (Woodman 2009 plus Woodman 2010, Roberts 2010, 2012 and Threadgold 2011). Individualisation has pertained to both the risk associated with transitions as well as managing the risks themselves (Kelly and Furlong 2005: 212). In the last resort, the individual bears the risks. As a result, policy goals can also be individualistic in that ‘they place responsibility for seeking, gaining and maintaining employment on the individual’ (McDonald et al 2020: 449). However, we argue that there is more to this story. This set of approaches to individualisation, for all its necessity and acuity, is not conducive to engagement","PeriodicalId":427676,"journal":{"name":"Forms of Collective Engagement in Youth Transitions","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2021-09-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Forms of Collective Engagement in Youth Transitions","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004466340_002","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
Since the 1990s, individualisation theories have strongly influenced discussions about youth transitions. Faced with apprehending increased complexity, and how young people handle it, much scholarly research on transitions has thus depicted youth as ‘sole travellers’. This insight holds some truth for lives lived in neoliberalised, financialised capitalist societies – and the resulting uncertainty that is widely felt and documented among people in such societies. Bauman was surely right to notice that ‘uncertainty is a powerful individualising force’ today (2001: 24). This issue is pronounced in studies of precarity, itself a dominant theme in understanding how young people today navigate uncertain pathways towards adulthood (Biggart and Walther 2006, Côté 2002). For Beck, individuals work to find ‘biographic solutions to systemic contradictions’ (1992: 137, see also Beck and BeckGernsheim 2002, Bauman 2001). Further, developments of the individualisation thesis have fuelled a debate on the priority of agency versus structure in the study of youth and beyond (see for instance Brannen and Nilsen 2002 and 2005). This debate also encompasses arguments related to a possible misreading of the work by Ulrich Beck (Woodman 2009 plus Woodman 2010, Roberts 2010, 2012 and Threadgold 2011). Individualisation has pertained to both the risk associated with transitions as well as managing the risks themselves (Kelly and Furlong 2005: 212). In the last resort, the individual bears the risks. As a result, policy goals can also be individualistic in that ‘they place responsibility for seeking, gaining and maintaining employment on the individual’ (McDonald et al 2020: 449). However, we argue that there is more to this story. This set of approaches to individualisation, for all its necessity and acuity, is not conducive to engagement
自20世纪90年代以来,个性化理论强烈影响了关于青年转型的讨论。面对日益增加的复杂性,以及年轻人如何处理它,许多关于转变的学术研究都将年轻人描述为“孤独的旅行者”。对于生活在新自由主义化、金融化的资本主义社会中的人们来说,这一见解在一定程度上是正确的,而由此产生的不确定性在这些社会中的人们中被广泛感受和记录下来。鲍曼今天注意到“不确定性是一种强大的个性化力量”,这无疑是正确的(2001:24)。这个问题在不稳定性的研究中很明显,不稳定性本身就是理解当今年轻人如何在不确定的道路上走向成年的主要主题(Biggart和Walther 2006, Côté 2002)。对于贝克来说,个人努力寻找“系统性矛盾的传记解决方案”(1992:137,另见贝克和贝克根斯海姆2002,鲍曼2001)。此外,个体化理论的发展引发了一场关于青年及以后研究中机构与结构的优先级的辩论(例如,参见Brannen和Nilsen 2002年和2005年)。这场争论还包括与乌尔里希·贝克的作品可能被误读有关的争论(伍德曼2009年加上伍德曼2010年,罗伯茨2010年,2012年和Threadgold 2011年)。个性化既涉及到与转型相关的风险,也涉及到管理风险本身(Kelly and Furlong 2005: 212)。最后,个人承担风险。因此,政策目标也可以是个人主义的,因为“它们将寻找、获得和维持就业的责任放在了个人身上”(McDonald等人2020:449)。然而,我们认为还有更多的故事。这一套个性化的方法,尽管有其必要性和敏锐性,但不利于参与