What Do Survey Measures of Trust Actually Measure?

John M. Brehm, M. Savel
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引用次数: 6

Abstract

Nearly thirty years after Coleman’s seminal work on trust (1990), diverse scholarly disciplines still devote a lot of attention to the idea that trust, broadly construed, is an important concept to understand social interaction, political support, and even general wealth and prosperity.1 In Coleman’s discussion, two self-interested individuals, truster and trustee, each have something to gain or lose: the former by making herself vulnerable to the actions of another, the latter by finding herself unable to win the unguarded belief in mutually beneficial action. “Trust”, according to Coleman, is an instrumental interchange among the actors. But the far more common understanding of “trust” is not the instrumental interchange, but a more diffuse sense of “generalized trust”. This chapter supports the idea of generalized trust, but will also note that there are significant problems in the ways that we have typically assessed generalized trust in surveys due to response sets and mood. Fortunately, we see feasible, though perhaps costly, remedies to these biases. Quite a great deal of research would concur with Coleman that trust is fundamentally an instrumental interchange between actors who know one another. Some very strong evidence about instrumental trust comes from experimental contexts, especially in economics (Kreps 1990; McCabe, Rassenti, and Smith 1996); some from interview studies in anthropology (especially Ensminger and Henrich 2014); and some from very specialized studies of trust within specific social contexts including of Congress (Bianco 1994), within local bureaucracies (Brehm and Gates 2008), within Federal bureaucracy (Miller and Whitford 2016), and of the law (Tyler 2001). Perhaps the most prominent empirical work on trust comes from large scale surveys of populations. In these surveys, trust appears to be in a near catastrophic state of decline, where trust in government has fallen from high levels of support in the 1960s to bottom-scraping lows. In much of this work, the idea of “trust” is not explicitly the instrumental interchange between actors, but
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信任度调查措施究竟能衡量什么?
在科尔曼关于信任的开创性著作(1990 年)问世近 30 年后的今天,不同的学术学科仍然对这一观点给予了极大的关注,即广义上的信任是理解社会互动、政治支持,甚至一般财富和繁荣的一个重要概念。1 在科尔曼的论述中,两个自利的个体--信任者和受托者--各有得失:前者使自己容易受到他人行动的影响,后者发现自己无法赢得对互利行动毫无戒备的信念。科尔曼认为,"信任 "是行为者之间的一种工具性交换。但人们对 "信任 "更普遍的理解不是工具性的交换,而是一种更广泛意义上的 "普遍信任"。本章支持 "普遍信任 "的观点,但同时也会指出,我们通常在调查中评估 "普遍信任 "的方式存在很大问题,这是受反应集和情绪的影响。幸运的是,我们看到了解决这些偏差的可行方法,尽管可能代价高昂。大量研究都同意科尔曼的观点,即信任从根本上说是相互了解的参与者之间的工具性交流。关于工具性信任的一些非常有力的证据来自于实验环境,尤其是经济学(Kreps 1990;McCabe、Rassenti 和 Smith 1996);一些来自于人类学的访谈研究(尤其是 Ensminger 和 Henrich 2014);还有一些来自于对特定社会环境中的信任进行的非常专业的研究,包括国会(Bianco 1994)、地方官僚机构(Brehm 和 Gates 2008)、联邦官僚机构(Miller 和 Whitford 2016)以及法律(Tyler 2001)。有关信任的最重要的实证研究可能来自大规模的人口调查。在这些调查中,信任度似乎处于近乎灾难性的下降状态,对政府的信任度已从 20 世纪 60 年代的高支持率跌至谷底。在大部分研究中,"信任 "的概念并不明确是指行为者之间的工具性交换,而是指 "信任 "与 "信任 "之间的关系。
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