{"title":"Subjective health, well-being and cognitive capabilities","authors":"Miska Simanainen, A. Tuulio-Henriksson","doi":"10.4337/9781839104855.00015","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The existence of the relationship between poverty and poor health has been known for ages, although the actual mechanisms that connect poverty to health have not been well understood. A growing body of literature indicates that unemployment (which often goes hand in hand with poverty) can pose substantial health risks by negatively affecting, in particular, the mental health, psychological well-being and cognitive capabilities of those who experience it (for example, Acevedo et al., 2020; Wahrendorf et al., 2019; Wanberg, 2012; Pelzer et al., 2014; Van der Noordt et al., 2014; Kim and von dem Knesebeck, 2016). Moreover, we know that the psychological, social and economic dimensions of well-being are strongly interconnected. Unemployment usually leads to a lack of financial resources, and financial resources serve as an important determinant of well-being (Paul and Moser, 2009). Unemployment can also decrease life satisfaction and happiness by means other than income, such as reducing social participation (Kunze and Suppa, 2017). From a practical perspective, whether we can govern the complex relationship between poverty and well-being through a policy action is an important question. Unconditional cash transfers (UCT) are one potential group of policy instruments for organising social security. UCTs are regular cash transfers that are paid without screening for eligibility and without income-testing or means-testing. Earlier studies have indicated that the introduction of a UCT policy could improve population health. For example, Forget (2011) reports positive results from a Canadian experiment with a guaranteed annual income. Another body of evidence suggests that UCTs may improve some health outcomes in low and middle-income countries, although the relative effectiveness of UCTs and conditional cash transfer programmes (CCT) remains uncertain (for example, Costello et al., 2003; Davala et al., 2015; Pega et al., 2017).","PeriodicalId":254675,"journal":{"name":"Experimenting with Unconditional Basic Income","volume":"22 S11","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2021-08-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"3","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Experimenting with Unconditional Basic Income","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.4337/9781839104855.00015","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
Abstract
The existence of the relationship between poverty and poor health has been known for ages, although the actual mechanisms that connect poverty to health have not been well understood. A growing body of literature indicates that unemployment (which often goes hand in hand with poverty) can pose substantial health risks by negatively affecting, in particular, the mental health, psychological well-being and cognitive capabilities of those who experience it (for example, Acevedo et al., 2020; Wahrendorf et al., 2019; Wanberg, 2012; Pelzer et al., 2014; Van der Noordt et al., 2014; Kim and von dem Knesebeck, 2016). Moreover, we know that the psychological, social and economic dimensions of well-being are strongly interconnected. Unemployment usually leads to a lack of financial resources, and financial resources serve as an important determinant of well-being (Paul and Moser, 2009). Unemployment can also decrease life satisfaction and happiness by means other than income, such as reducing social participation (Kunze and Suppa, 2017). From a practical perspective, whether we can govern the complex relationship between poverty and well-being through a policy action is an important question. Unconditional cash transfers (UCT) are one potential group of policy instruments for organising social security. UCTs are regular cash transfers that are paid without screening for eligibility and without income-testing or means-testing. Earlier studies have indicated that the introduction of a UCT policy could improve population health. For example, Forget (2011) reports positive results from a Canadian experiment with a guaranteed annual income. Another body of evidence suggests that UCTs may improve some health outcomes in low and middle-income countries, although the relative effectiveness of UCTs and conditional cash transfer programmes (CCT) remains uncertain (for example, Costello et al., 2003; Davala et al., 2015; Pega et al., 2017).
人们早就知道贫穷与健康状况不佳之间存在关系,尽管人们对贫穷与健康之间联系的实际机制还没有很好地了解。越来越多的文献表明,失业(往往与贫困密切相关)尤其会对失业者的精神健康、心理健康和认知能力产生负面影响,从而构成重大健康风险(例如,Acevedo等人,2020年;Wahrendorf等人,2019;Wanberg, 2012;Pelzer et al., 2014;Van der Noordt et al., 2014;Kim and von dem Knesebeck, 2016)。此外,我们知道,幸福的心理、社会和经济层面是紧密相连的。失业通常会导致缺乏财政资源,而财政资源是幸福的重要决定因素(Paul and Moser, 2009)。失业还可以通过收入以外的方式降低生活满意度和幸福感,例如减少社会参与(Kunze和Suppa, 2017)。从实践的角度来看,我们能否通过政策行动来治理贫困与福祉之间的复杂关系是一个重要的问题。无条件现金转移支付(UCT)是组织社会保障的一组潜在政策工具。uct是定期的现金转移支付,没有资格筛选,没有收入调查或经济状况调查。早些时候的研究表明,实行综合技术支助政策可以改善人口健康。例如,《忘记》(2011)报道了加拿大一项有年收入保证的实验的积极结果。另一个证据表明,uct可能改善低收入和中等收入国家的某些健康结果,尽管uct和有条件现金转移支付方案(CCT)的相对有效性仍然不确定(例如,Costello等人,2003;Davala et al., 2015;Pega et al., 2017)。