The Sins of Our Fathers

Elizabeth Trobaugh
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Abstract

A Review of Iraq and the Crimes of Aggressive War: The Legal Cynicism of Criminal Militarism, by John Hagan, Joshua Kaiser, and Anna Hanson. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 260 pages. John Hagan, Joshua Kaiser, and Anna Hansen, in Iraq and the Crimes of Aggressive War, paint the picture of exactly how a preventive war in Iraq could happen. From the disbanding of the Ottoman Empire in the early twentieth century to Saddam's reign of terror, the authors examine the full spectrum of history leading up to the invasion of 2003. The book takes a refreshing look at the situation in Iraq without reducing it to a millennia-old religious problem, devoid of solutions--an easy cop-out for the West, at times. Instead, the authors rely on the theory of Legal Cynicism, which holds that society in Iraq lost its faith in the law and its arbiters to keep the public safe. Living under the brutal rule of the Sunni Ba'athist Saddam Hussein, as described in the book, certainly lends itself to this theory. More importantly, the authors look at how the United States government used national subterfuge to their benefit when weighing the 2003 invasion of Iraq, and seek to explain why the Bush administration did not focus on the humanitarian aspect of intervention. This argument would have forced the administration to pay attention to other countries' state-sanctioned violence programs--for example, Darfur. The authors correctly point out that one premise for invading Iraq was the self-defense argument, in which the administration outlined the imminent danger of a weapons of mass destruction program in Iraq and the apparent aid Hussein provided to the attackers of 9/11. The authors further state that not only were there no WMD, but Saddam Hussein had been unwelcoming to Osama bin Laden, while Sudan sheltered him and other al-Qaeda leadership. (1) Hagan and his co-authors write that the greatest sins of the Iraq War, besides the invasion itself, were Paul Bremer's decisions to remove top tier Ba'athists from their bureaucratic government posts, and to disband the Iraqi military. Comparing himself to General MacArthurin post-WWII Japan, Bremer, so-called "emperor" of post-war Iraq, effectively cut out the most well-trained and well-educated individuals of the Iraqi State when he began to "reconstruct" post-Saddam Iraq. The authors note that Bremer created an "interim governing council" which he essentially declared to have no governing power, enabling him to retain control over many governing actions. This led to disenfranchisement of the remaining organic powers in Iraq who had not already been dismissed by Bremer. At the time, these decisions were partially supported by NATO, but the organization did not support the decision to disband the military, nor did all members of the administration, most notably Colin Powell. In hindsight these were the worst possible solutions for the area of operation. The authors make it evident that these decisions are what led to the insurgency within Iraq during the war, and were the foundation for the growth of ISIS. (2) Society is still paying for the decisions made over a decade ago. The authors do not claim that the insurgency came to life from the U.S. government's lack of post-Saddam planning alone, which in turn led Bremer to make his several very bad decisions. Rather, the authors cast the U.S. military as particularly brutal occupiers--the images they paint conjure pictures of Nazis in Russia, practicing indiscriminate killing and violence. The authors also point out, in the first chapter, how brutal the Hussein regime had been, noting that an emerging insurgency composed of his followers would likely carry out what they know: more brutality. …
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我们祖先的罪恶
《对伊拉克和侵略战争罪行的回顾:军国主义犯罪的法律玩世不恭》,作者:约翰·哈根、约书亚·凯泽和安娜·汉森。(纽约:剑桥大学出版社,2015),260页。约翰·哈根,约书亚·凯泽和安娜·汉森,在《伊拉克与侵略战争的罪行》一书中,描绘了伊拉克预防性战争如何发生的确切图景。从20世纪初奥斯曼帝国的解体到萨达姆的恐怖统治,作者研究了导致2003年入侵的全部历史。这本书以一种全新的视角审视了伊拉克的局势,并没有将其归结为一个千年的宗教问题,一个缺乏解决方案的问题——有时是西方容易逃避的问题。相反,作者们依靠的是法律犬儒主义理论,该理论认为,伊拉克社会对法律和维护公众安全的仲裁者失去了信心。正如书中所描述的那样,生活在逊尼派复兴党萨达姆·侯赛因的残酷统治下,当然有助于这种理论。更重要的是,作者研究了美国政府在权衡2003年入侵伊拉克时是如何利用国家借口来为自己谋利的,并试图解释为什么布什政府没有把重点放在干预的人道主义方面。这一论点将迫使政府关注其他国家国家批准的暴力项目,例如达尔富尔。作者正确地指出,入侵伊拉克的一个前提是自卫论点,在这个论点中,政府概述了伊拉克大规模杀伤性武器计划迫在眉睫的危险,以及侯赛因向9/11袭击者提供的明显援助。作者进一步指出,不仅没有大规模杀伤性武器,而且萨达姆·侯赛因一直不欢迎奥萨马·本·拉登,而苏丹庇护了他和其他基地组织领导人。哈根和他的合著者写道,除了入侵本身,伊拉克战争最大的罪恶是保罗·布雷默(Paul Bremer)决定将复兴党高层从政府官僚职位上撤下,并解散伊拉克军队。布雷默被称为战后伊拉克的“皇帝”,他把自己比作二战后日本的麦克阿瑟将军,当他开始“重建”萨达姆后的伊拉克时,他有效地切断了伊拉克国家中训练有素、受过良好教育的人。作者指出,布雷默创建了一个“临时管理委员会”,他基本上宣布没有治理权力,使他能够保留对许多治理行动的控制。这导致了布雷默尚未解雇的伊拉克剩余的有机权力被剥夺。当时,这些决定得到了北约的部分支持,但该组织并不支持解散军队的决定,也不支持所有政府成员,尤其是科林·鲍威尔。事后看来,这是该行动地区可能采取的最糟糕的解决办法。作者明确指出,这些决定导致了伊拉克战争期间的叛乱,也是ISIS发展的基础。社会仍在为十多年前做出的决定买单。作者并没有声称叛乱活动的发生仅仅是因为美国政府缺乏后萨达姆时代的计划,这反过来又导致布雷默做出了几个非常糟糕的决定。相反,作者把美军描绘成特别残暴的占领者——他们描绘的画面让人联想到纳粹在俄罗斯不分青红皂白地杀戮和暴力。作者还在第一章中指出,萨达姆政权是多么残酷,并指出由他的追随者组成的新兴叛乱可能会实施他们所知道的:更多的暴行。...
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