China and its hybrid warfare spectrum

Lora Saalman
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

ion, this survey uncovers signs of increasing granularity. Among these, Chen Hanghui of China’s Army Command Academy provides specific foreign cases of hybrid warfare in Syria, Iraq, Yemen and Afghanistan with (1) utilization of interest groups, government and military forces, religious sect militia and tribal armed forces, separatist and terrorist organizations, (2) application of conventional operations, guerrilla warfare, maritime ambush and irregular operations, as well as (3) integration of political, economic and military measures.98 As a domestically oriented example, members of the People’s Liberation Army in Beijing and Xinjiang – when dissecting Russian hybrid warfare – emphasize the importance of China expanding its advances in special force war fighting, information warfare, non-traditional military power as well as attack capabilities that enhance survivability, flexibility and ‘rapid response’ (快速反应).99 Such analyses point not only to the soft elements of hybrid warfare, but also to a series of kinetic platforms that China has also been working to develop, including unmanned combat vehicles.100 In mediating between these softer and harder variants of hybrid warfare, Chinese strategic and technical writings tend to encompass nearly every aspect of modern warfare. This hybridization of what is in effect cross-domain warfare makes it difficult to fully understand how it is being applied. However, if hybrid warfare is evaluated along a spectrum and in relation to how other countries are employing it, this can facilitate comprehension of some of the strategic decisions being made by China. This survey reveals that Chinese views on hybrid warfare are largely vested in the actions of the nation state. When victimized by actions that China deems to be hybrid warfare, Chinese interlocutors attribute these activities to a country, rather than to a non-state actor. Given the prevailing view in China that Washington is the origin point and purveyor of such acts, this means that the United States will be the target of Chinese blame and retaliation. This has already played out repeatedly as China confronts domestic protests, terrorist incidents, pandemics and tensions in Xinjiang, Tibet, Hong Kong, Taiwan, the East China Sea and the South China Sea. When China becomes the subject of blame, however, the response is the exact opposite. In other words, the role of non-state actors and difficulties of attribution are 103 China and Its Hybrid Warfare Spectrum highlighted. Therefore, it is instructive to observe how Chinese analyses dissect Russia’s alleged successes with hybrid warfare in Ukraine and Syria.101 Given the admiration of Chinese military strategists for Russia’s ability to perfect and surpass the United States in hybrid warfare, it is not beyond reason that they may select a similar set of responses when faced with commonly held threats. Given China’s strong foundation and aspirations in information, cyber and intelligent warfare, its ability to apply hybrid warfare in multiple domains is destined to expand. Moreover, when evaluating Chinese responses along a spectrum, there is a move towards integrating kinetic platforms with varying levels of autonomy into strategizing about hybrid warfare. Thus, while information warfare and cyber warfare may continue to dominate, China’s future rests with intelligent or AI-enabled warfare. Chinese inclusion of unmanned systems and even hypersonic vehicles into hybrid warfare strategic and technical writings indicates that the emphasis on disinformation is increasingly intertwined with cross-domain applications of hard power. In sum, while unrestricted warfare, information warfare, and cyber warfare are likely to remain the core of Chinese discussions of hybrid warfare, Chinese military strategists are poised to undertake a future shift towards the intelligent warfare and kinetic warfare end of the continuum. This makes understanding China’s hybrid warfare spectrum and its nuances of interpretation and application all the more crucial. Doing so will prepare political and military planners for anticipating how the future hybridization of warfare will evolve and how China will respond and employ it.
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中国和它的混合战争频谱
然而,这项调查揭示了粒度增加的迹象。其中,中国陆军指挥学院的陈航辉提供了叙利亚、伊拉克、也门和阿富汗的具体国外混合作战案例,包括:(1)利用利益集团、政府和军队力量、宗教派别民兵和部落武装力量、分裂组织和恐怖组织;(2)运用常规作战、游击战、海上伏击和非正规作战;(3)政治、经济和军事措施相结合作为一个面向国内的例子,北京和新疆的解放军成员在剖析俄罗斯混合战争时,强调了中国扩大其在特种部队作战、信息战、非传统军事力量以及提高生存能力、灵活性和“快速反应”的攻击能力方面的进步的重要性这样的分析不仅指出了混合战争的软因素,而且还指出了中国一直在努力开发的一系列动力平台,包括无人作战车辆在这些软的和硬的混合战争变体之间进行调解,中国的战略和技术著作倾向于涵盖现代战争的几乎所有方面。这种实际上是跨域战争的混合使得很难完全理解它是如何应用的。然而,如果混合战争在一个范围内进行评估,并与其他国家如何使用它有关,这可以促进对中国正在做出的一些战略决策的理解。这项调查显示,中国人对混合战争的看法在很大程度上取决于民族国家的行动。当受到中国认为是混合战争的行动的伤害时,中国对话者将这些活动归咎于一个国家,而不是非国家行为者。鉴于中国普遍认为华盛顿是此类行为的始作俑者和推动者,这意味着美国将成为中国指责和报复的目标。在中国面对国内抗议、恐怖事件、流行病以及新疆、西藏、香港、台湾、东中国海和南中国海的紧张局势时,这种情况已经反复出现。然而,当中国成为指责的对象时,人们的反应恰恰相反。换句话说,非国家行为体的作用和归属的困难是103中国及其混合战争频谱的重点。因此,观察中国的分析如何剖析俄罗斯在乌克兰和叙利亚混合战争中所谓的成功是有指导意义的。101鉴于中国军事战略家对俄罗斯在混合战争中完善和超越美国的能力的钦佩,他们在面对共同持有的威胁时可能会选择类似的一套反应并非没有道理。鉴于中国在信息化、网络化和智能化战争方面的强大基础和抱负,中国在多领域应用混合战争的能力必将得到拓展。此外,在评估中国的反应时,有一种趋势是将具有不同自治水平的动力平台整合到混合战争的战略中。因此,虽然信息战和网络战可能继续占主导地位,但中国的未来取决于智能或人工智能支持的战争。中国将无人系统甚至高超音速飞行器纳入混合战争战略和技术著作表明,对虚假信息的强调日益与硬实力的跨领域应用交织在一起。总而言之,尽管无限制战、信息战和网络战可能仍是中国讨论混合战的核心,但中国军事战略家准备在未来转向连续体的智能战和动能战。这使得了解中国混合作战频谱及其解释和应用的细微差别变得更加重要。这样做将使政治和军事规划者准备好预测未来混合战争将如何发展,以及中国将如何应对和使用它。
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