The Remaking of Ghana and Togo at Their Common Border

P. Nugent
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Abstract

In Chapter 11, I pointed to the very different – and indeed fundamentally incompatible – manner in which incumbent regimes in Senegal and the Gambia responded to the crisis of the early 1970s. I also highlighted the ways in which the enhanced mobility of Senegambians and the accelerated flow of contraband goods together brought about a spatial reordering that was neither in any official plan nor the outcome of any formal cross-border co-operation agreement. In this chapter, I will perform a similar exercise for the trans-Volta with a view to establishing how far comparable dynamics were at play. There are, however, some underlying differences, which it is worth pointing out at the start because they account for some of the variations of emphasis in the text that follows. First of all, as we have seen, Ghana had pioneered a statist vision of development well before the crisis of the end of the 1960s, whereas Togo had yet to find its feet as an entrepot state by 1967. The points of departure were therefore significantly different from those in the Senegambia. Secondly, a succession of military interventions in Togo (1963 and 1967) and in Ghana (1966, 1972, 1978/9 and 1981) brought another set of forces into the equation. The prolongation of military rule had institutional consequences of its own because the pressure to increase the numbers of armed personnel typically led to greater demands on the budget. In addition, there was a leakage of military norms into other areas of governance, including not only much routine administration, but also border policing. Furthermore, there were more or less explicit demands that the military be considered as partners to the wider social contract. It was only in the Gambia after 1994 that something comparable seemed conceivable.
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加纳和多哥在共同边界的重建
在第11章中,我指出,塞内加尔和冈比亚的现任政权对上世纪70年代初危机的反应方式截然不同——实际上根本不相容。我还强调指出,塞内加尔人流动性的增强和违禁品流动的加速共同带来了一种既不在任何官方计划中也不在任何正式跨境合作协定中出现的空间重新排序。在本章中,我将对trans-Volta进行类似的练习,以确定可比动力学在多大程度上起作用。然而,有一些潜在的差异,值得在开始时指出,因为它们解释了后面文本中重点的一些变化。首先,正如我们所看到的,加纳早在20世纪60年代末的危机之前就开创了国家主义的发展愿景,而多哥到1967年还没有站稳脚跟,成为一个转口国。因此,这些出发点与塞内冈比亚境内的出发点大不相同。其次,在多哥(1963年和1967年)和加纳(1966年、1972年、1978/9年和1981年)的一系列军事干预使另一批力量进入了平衡。军事统治的延长本身具有体制上的后果,因为增加武装人员人数的压力通常会导致对预算的更大需求。此外,军事规范还渗透到其他治理领域,不仅包括许多日常行政管理,还包括边境警务。此外,人们或多或少明确要求将军队视为更广泛的社会契约的伙伴。1994年之后,只有在冈比亚才出现了类似的情况。
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