{"title":"Who Speaks for Wales? Nation, Culture, Identity: The Centenary Edition by Raymond Williams (review)","authors":"","doi":"10.1353/mlr.2023.a907863","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: Who Speaks for Wales? Nation, Culture, Identity: The Centenary Edition by Raymond Williams M. Wynn Thomas Who Speaks for Wales? Nation, Culture, Identity: The Centenary Edition. By Raymond Williams. Ed. by Daniel G. Williams. Cardiff: University of Wales Press. 2021. xviii+ 398 pp. £18.99. ISBN 978–1–78683–706–6. Reviewing The Oxford Companion to the Literature of Wales in 1986, Raymond Williams deeply regretted that British literary specialists had habitually ignored the country's rich vernacular literature stretching back to the sixth century. This could be explained, he added, only by 'the fact of several centuries of political domination, and of a consequent cultural indifference, often punctuated by aggression' (p. 279). It is tempting to reach for the same explanation when confronted with the enduring obstinate refusal of British critics to take Williams's Welshness seriously. When Williams entitled his celebrated semi-autobiographical novel 'Border Country', he correctly identified the character of his native region in the Welsh Marches, where two societies and their cultures confronted and cross-fertilized each other. 'It was a place to find intimations of complexity', he wrote (p. 65), a perfect incubator for a mind that progressed to complex meditation on the social formations subtly and decisively inflecting individual identities. And it alerted him to the bewildering variousness and hybridity of modern Welsh identity. It was in 1979 that Williams emerged from his political closet and roundly declared himself to be a 'Welsh European', confessing that he had come to sympathize less with the English Left than with a European Left that had shown far greater understanding of the claims not only of marginalized classes but of marginalized peoples, such as the Basques and the Welsh. It is Williams's readiness to align himself with such that provides the solid basis for Daniel G. Williams's claim that he had developed into an anti-colonial thinker. Any attempt to comprehend this radical realignment of allegiance needs to be set in the context of political events in Wales, as well as in England, at that particular time. The phrase 'Welsh Europeanism' seems to have been first used in the 1930s by Saunders Lewis, the Catholic leader of a Plaid Cymru that was deeply conservative in outlook. For him, it was part of a project of recreating the religious and cultural unity that Europe had enjoyed before the Protestant Reformation and its bastard offspring, the individual nation state. [End Page 622] By the 1970s, however, Plaid had been reborn as a party well to the Left of Labour that was devoted to a kind of decentred communitarian socialism, and it actively sought solidarity with similar nationally based movements of the Left across Europe. Williams accordingly sought refuge from the moribund centrism of the English Left and the rise of a xenophobic Thatcherite neo-Liberalism in the company of intellectuals of the alternative Left in Wales. One of the most prominent was Ned Thomas, a committed Europhile nationalist who was founding editor of the important intellectual journal Planet, which regularly featured articles on beleaguered minorities from Brittany and Euskadi to Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia. Another important figure was Dafydd Elis Thomas, one of the most prominent and charismatic of the new young left-inclining leaders of Plaid Cymru. And like them, Williams supported movements to safeguard the Welsh language, which he regarded as important to English-speakers as well as Welsh-speakers. The role that culture had played historically in the maintenance of Welsh identity reinforced Williams's belief that it should not be viewed in the traditional Marxist way as a mere epiphenomenon of economic relations. It was as much a producer as a product. His comments on this formative process are strikingly pertinent: All significant shapes move, even if it is only a move to a new confirmation. The shape of Wales, more than most, is in constant movement, and this is of course unsettling. But our experiences have been so dynamic and so shifting that if the shapes had not changed we should now be wholly adrift: adrift of ourselves. (p. 58) Applicable to contemporary Wales, these observations are nowadays even more applicable to its once powerful neighbour...","PeriodicalId":45399,"journal":{"name":"MODERN LANGUAGE REVIEW","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"MODERN LANGUAGE REVIEW","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/mlr.2023.a907863","RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
Reviewed by: Who Speaks for Wales? Nation, Culture, Identity: The Centenary Edition by Raymond Williams M. Wynn Thomas Who Speaks for Wales? Nation, Culture, Identity: The Centenary Edition. By Raymond Williams. Ed. by Daniel G. Williams. Cardiff: University of Wales Press. 2021. xviii+ 398 pp. £18.99. ISBN 978–1–78683–706–6. Reviewing The Oxford Companion to the Literature of Wales in 1986, Raymond Williams deeply regretted that British literary specialists had habitually ignored the country's rich vernacular literature stretching back to the sixth century. This could be explained, he added, only by 'the fact of several centuries of political domination, and of a consequent cultural indifference, often punctuated by aggression' (p. 279). It is tempting to reach for the same explanation when confronted with the enduring obstinate refusal of British critics to take Williams's Welshness seriously. When Williams entitled his celebrated semi-autobiographical novel 'Border Country', he correctly identified the character of his native region in the Welsh Marches, where two societies and their cultures confronted and cross-fertilized each other. 'It was a place to find intimations of complexity', he wrote (p. 65), a perfect incubator for a mind that progressed to complex meditation on the social formations subtly and decisively inflecting individual identities. And it alerted him to the bewildering variousness and hybridity of modern Welsh identity. It was in 1979 that Williams emerged from his political closet and roundly declared himself to be a 'Welsh European', confessing that he had come to sympathize less with the English Left than with a European Left that had shown far greater understanding of the claims not only of marginalized classes but of marginalized peoples, such as the Basques and the Welsh. It is Williams's readiness to align himself with such that provides the solid basis for Daniel G. Williams's claim that he had developed into an anti-colonial thinker. Any attempt to comprehend this radical realignment of allegiance needs to be set in the context of political events in Wales, as well as in England, at that particular time. The phrase 'Welsh Europeanism' seems to have been first used in the 1930s by Saunders Lewis, the Catholic leader of a Plaid Cymru that was deeply conservative in outlook. For him, it was part of a project of recreating the religious and cultural unity that Europe had enjoyed before the Protestant Reformation and its bastard offspring, the individual nation state. [End Page 622] By the 1970s, however, Plaid had been reborn as a party well to the Left of Labour that was devoted to a kind of decentred communitarian socialism, and it actively sought solidarity with similar nationally based movements of the Left across Europe. Williams accordingly sought refuge from the moribund centrism of the English Left and the rise of a xenophobic Thatcherite neo-Liberalism in the company of intellectuals of the alternative Left in Wales. One of the most prominent was Ned Thomas, a committed Europhile nationalist who was founding editor of the important intellectual journal Planet, which regularly featured articles on beleaguered minorities from Brittany and Euskadi to Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia. Another important figure was Dafydd Elis Thomas, one of the most prominent and charismatic of the new young left-inclining leaders of Plaid Cymru. And like them, Williams supported movements to safeguard the Welsh language, which he regarded as important to English-speakers as well as Welsh-speakers. The role that culture had played historically in the maintenance of Welsh identity reinforced Williams's belief that it should not be viewed in the traditional Marxist way as a mere epiphenomenon of economic relations. It was as much a producer as a product. His comments on this formative process are strikingly pertinent: All significant shapes move, even if it is only a move to a new confirmation. The shape of Wales, more than most, is in constant movement, and this is of course unsettling. But our experiences have been so dynamic and so shifting that if the shapes had not changed we should now be wholly adrift: adrift of ourselves. (p. 58) Applicable to contemporary Wales, these observations are nowadays even more applicable to its once powerful neighbour...
评审人:谁代表威尔士?《民族、文化、身份:百年纪念版》作者:雷蒙德·威廉姆斯民族,文化,身份:百年版。雷蒙德·威廉姆斯著。丹尼尔·g·威廉姆斯主编。卡迪夫:威尔士大学出版社,2021。Xviii + 398页,18.99英镑。ISBN 978-1-78683-706-6。1986年,在回顾《牛津威尔士文学指南》(Oxford Companion of Wales Literature)时,雷蒙德·威廉姆斯(Raymond Williams)深感遗憾的是,英国的文学专家们习惯性地忽视了该国丰富的可追溯到六世纪的本土文学。他补充说,这只能用“几个世纪的政治统治,以及随之而来的文化冷漠,经常被侵略所打断”来解释(第279页)。当面对英国评论家长期顽固地拒绝认真对待威廉姆斯的威尔士风格时,人们很容易寻求同样的解释。当威廉姆斯将他著名的半自传体小说命名为《边境之国》时,他正确地识别了威尔士行军中他的家乡的特征,在那里两个社会和他们的文化相互对抗和相互促进。“这是一个寻找复杂性暗示的地方”,他写道(第65页),这是一个完美的孵化器,让他的思想发展到对社会形态的复杂思考,这种思考微妙而果断地影响了个人身份。这让他意识到现代威尔士身份的多样性和混杂性。1979年,威廉姆斯从自己的政治密室中走了出来,并公开宣称自己是一个“威尔士欧洲人”,他承认自己对英国左派的同情比欧洲左派要少,因为欧洲左派不仅对边缘阶级的诉求,而且对边缘民族的诉求,如巴斯克人和威尔士人,都表现出了更大的理解。正是威廉姆斯愿意与这样的人结盟,为丹尼尔·g·威廉姆斯(Daniel G. Williams)声称自己已经发展成为一名反殖民思想家提供了坚实的基础。任何试图理解这种激进的忠诚调整都需要放在威尔士和英格兰的政治事件的背景下,在那个特定的时期。“威尔士欧洲主义”这个词似乎是在20世纪30年代由桑德斯·刘易斯(Saunders Lewis)首次使用的,他是格纹骑士团(Plaid Cymru)的天主教领袖,该党的观点非常保守。对他来说,这是重建欧洲在新教改革及其私生子——单个民族国家之前所享有的宗教和文化统一的计划的一部分。然而,到了20世纪70年代,格莱德党已经重生为工党的左翼政党,致力于一种去中心化的社群社会主义,并积极寻求与欧洲各地类似的以国家为基础的左翼运动团结一致。因此,威廉姆斯在英国左翼垂死的中间主义和威尔士另类左翼知识分子中兴起的排外的撒切尔式新自由主义中寻求庇护。其中最著名的是内德·托马斯(Ned Thomas),他是一位坚定的亲欧民族主义者,也是重要的知识分子杂志《星球》(Planet)的创刊编辑,该杂志定期刊登关于从布列塔尼和尤斯卡迪到南斯拉夫和捷克斯洛伐克等陷入困境的少数民族的文章。另一个重要的人物是达菲德·埃利斯·托马斯,他是格莱德·西姆鲁最杰出和最有魅力的年轻左倾领导人之一。和他们一样,威廉姆斯也支持保护威尔士语的运动,他认为威尔士语对说英语的人和说威尔士语的人都很重要。历史上文化在维护威尔士身份认同中所扮演的角色,强化了威廉姆斯的信念,即不应以传统马克思主义的方式将其视为经济关系的附带现象。它既是一个生产者,也是一个产品。他对这一形成过程的评论非常贴切:所有重要的形状都在移动,即使它只是向一个新的确认移动。威尔士的形状比大多数地方都在不断变化,这当然令人不安。但是,我们的经历是如此的动态和变化,如果形态没有改变,我们现在应该完全漂流:我们自己的漂流。这些观察结果适用于当代威尔士,如今更适用于它曾经强大的邻居……
期刊介绍:
With an unbroken publication record since 1905, its 1248 pages are divided between articles, predominantly on medieval and modern literature, in the languages of continental Europe, together with English (including the United States and the Commonwealth), Francophone Africa and Canada, and Latin America. In addition, MLR reviews over five hundred books each year The MLR Supplement The Modern Language Review was founded in 1905 and has included well over 3,000 articles and some 20,000 book reviews. This supplement to Volume 100 is published by the Modern Humanities Research Association in celebration of the centenary of its flagship journal.