The Globalization of Wheat: A Critical History of the Green Revolution by Marci R. Baranski

IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Journal of Interdisciplinary History Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI:10.1162/jinh_r_01980
Peter A. Coclanis
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The increases were the result mainly of the introduction of high-yielding crop varieties (hyvs) used in combination with a technological “package,” marked by increased use of fertilizer, enhanced irrigation works, and, often, greater mechanization.The context for these developments was the perceived need for massive increases in grain production at a time of rapid population growth in already food-insecure parts of the world. The impetus and funding for the Green Revolution must be viewed in the context of the Cold War, as governmental authorities in developed countries devised strategies designed to modernize the agricultural sectors in potentially restive less developed countries (ldcs), thereby lessening the chances of revolutionary upheaval. The preferred instruments for such strategies were crop scientists and development experts, whether working in the public sector—at universities and governmental research facilities—or under the auspices of non-governmental organizations such as the Rockefeller Foundation and the Ford Foundation. Over time, specialized international agricultural research centers emerged to oversee, direct, coordinate, and disseminate “Green Revolution” research. Many of these centers today operate in partnership with an overall coordinating body known as cgiar (Consultative Group for International Agricultural Research).The garden-variety critique of the Green Revolution sees it as a top-down, modernist, and overly technocratic effort orchestrated mainly by “experts” from the developed world that, despite the hype, underperformed in numerous ways almost everywhere it was tried. For example, the increased use of fertilizers and increased importance of irrigation works generally resulted in negative environmental externalities, and the promotion of cereal grains often crowded out production of more nutritious foods. It is alleged that the benefits of the Green Revolution, such as they were, accrued mainly to large commercial farmers who were plugged into agricultural research networks and could afford the necessary “package” of hyvs, fertilizer, irrigation, and mechanized equipment. As a result, rural poverty persisted and undernutrition continued to plague the populations in most areas where the revolution left its mark.The author of this book offers yet another, but different, critical interpretation of the Green Revolution, providing fresh insights to readers interested in agriculture, agricultural history, and economic development. Whereas most critics of the Green Revolution approach the subject from either a social science or natural science perspective, Baranski, who trained in both crop science and the social sciences, offers a more holistic critique, skillfully marshaling and integrating evidence from the biological and social realms to support her claims.The key to the author’s critique, which focuses mainly on the record in India of semi-dwarf wheat hyvs originally developed in Mexico, is her emphasis on the breeding approach known in the crop-science literature as wide adaptation. This approach prioritizes breeding plant varieties that can grow in diverse settings without much adjustment for local conditions. The real-world problem with the approach, according to Baranski, was that most such varieties flourished mainly—and sometimes only—in propitious ecological/agricultural settings with good land, ample fertilizer, and sufficient irrigation works.The underlying premise behind wide adaptation—a misguided one in Baranski’s view—was that such ecological settings were common in ldcs and that hyvs with desired characteristics could be disseminated widely, leading, in time, to impressive gains in productivity, food security, poverty reduction, and the development of the agricultural sector. The premise proved false, however, as most farmers in ldcs were poor and worked dryland or rainfed plots without irrigation and without much fertilizer. As a result, although the gains from the Green Revolution seemed relatively impressive in the aggregate, they were shared unevenly, with many farmers and regions left out. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

For several decades, scholars, journalists, and activists have been beavering away to overturn triumphalist narratives regarding the Green Revolution. Earlier generations of observers had generally written positively about the revolution and its leading figures, especially U.S. crop scientist Norman Borlaug, who won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1970.This revolution involved a series of advancements in agriculture between World War II and the late 1980s that led to large increases in cereal grain output—wheat and rice primarily—in various less-developed parts of the world. The increases were the result mainly of the introduction of high-yielding crop varieties (hyvs) used in combination with a technological “package,” marked by increased use of fertilizer, enhanced irrigation works, and, often, greater mechanization.The context for these developments was the perceived need for massive increases in grain production at a time of rapid population growth in already food-insecure parts of the world. The impetus and funding for the Green Revolution must be viewed in the context of the Cold War, as governmental authorities in developed countries devised strategies designed to modernize the agricultural sectors in potentially restive less developed countries (ldcs), thereby lessening the chances of revolutionary upheaval. The preferred instruments for such strategies were crop scientists and development experts, whether working in the public sector—at universities and governmental research facilities—or under the auspices of non-governmental organizations such as the Rockefeller Foundation and the Ford Foundation. Over time, specialized international agricultural research centers emerged to oversee, direct, coordinate, and disseminate “Green Revolution” research. Many of these centers today operate in partnership with an overall coordinating body known as cgiar (Consultative Group for International Agricultural Research).The garden-variety critique of the Green Revolution sees it as a top-down, modernist, and overly technocratic effort orchestrated mainly by “experts” from the developed world that, despite the hype, underperformed in numerous ways almost everywhere it was tried. For example, the increased use of fertilizers and increased importance of irrigation works generally resulted in negative environmental externalities, and the promotion of cereal grains often crowded out production of more nutritious foods. It is alleged that the benefits of the Green Revolution, such as they were, accrued mainly to large commercial farmers who were plugged into agricultural research networks and could afford the necessary “package” of hyvs, fertilizer, irrigation, and mechanized equipment. As a result, rural poverty persisted and undernutrition continued to plague the populations in most areas where the revolution left its mark.The author of this book offers yet another, but different, critical interpretation of the Green Revolution, providing fresh insights to readers interested in agriculture, agricultural history, and economic development. Whereas most critics of the Green Revolution approach the subject from either a social science or natural science perspective, Baranski, who trained in both crop science and the social sciences, offers a more holistic critique, skillfully marshaling and integrating evidence from the biological and social realms to support her claims.The key to the author’s critique, which focuses mainly on the record in India of semi-dwarf wheat hyvs originally developed in Mexico, is her emphasis on the breeding approach known in the crop-science literature as wide adaptation. This approach prioritizes breeding plant varieties that can grow in diverse settings without much adjustment for local conditions. The real-world problem with the approach, according to Baranski, was that most such varieties flourished mainly—and sometimes only—in propitious ecological/agricultural settings with good land, ample fertilizer, and sufficient irrigation works.The underlying premise behind wide adaptation—a misguided one in Baranski’s view—was that such ecological settings were common in ldcs and that hyvs with desired characteristics could be disseminated widely, leading, in time, to impressive gains in productivity, food security, poverty reduction, and the development of the agricultural sector. The premise proved false, however, as most farmers in ldcs were poor and worked dryland or rainfed plots without irrigation and without much fertilizer. As a result, although the gains from the Green Revolution seemed relatively impressive in the aggregate, they were shared unevenly, with many farmers and regions left out. The author contends that this outcome was not surprising, given the top-down, non-contextualized nature of the research, which failed to consider local ecological settings and socio-economic conditions, severely limiting its potential from the start. The unfortunate legacy of this approach still shapes agricultural research agendas in the field of agricultural development today.This book offers a powerful, if somewhat unbalanced, critique of the Green Revolution, understating its successes while emphasizing its limitations. The author acknowledges early on that as a youth she worshipped Borlaug, and in some ways her slim volume reads like the work of someone who feels betrayed.
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《小麦的全球化:绿色革命的批判史》,作者:Marci R. Baranski
几十年来,学者、记者和活动家一直在努力推翻关于绿色革命的必胜主义叙述。前几代观察家普遍对革命及其领导人物持积极态度,尤其是1970年获得诺贝尔和平奖的美国作物科学家诺曼·博洛格。这场革命涉及到第二次世界大战至20世纪80年代末期间农业的一系列进步,这些进步导致世界上许多欠发达地区谷物产量(主要是小麦和大米)的大幅增加。产量增加的主要原因是引进了高产作物品种,并结合了技术“一揽子”,其特点是增加了肥料的使用,加强了灌溉工程,通常还提高了机械化程度。这些事态发展的背景是,在世界上已经粮食不安全的地区人口迅速增长的时候,人们认识到需要大量增加粮食生产。绿色革命的动力和资金必须放在冷战的背景下看待,因为发达国家的政府当局制定了旨在使潜在不稳定的欠发达国家(ldcs)的农业部门现代化的战略,从而减少革命动荡的可能性。这种策略的首选工具是农作物科学家和发展专家,无论是在大学和政府研究机构的公共部门工作,还是在洛克菲勒基金会和福特基金会等非政府组织的赞助下工作。随着时间的推移,出现了专门的国际农业研究中心来监督、指导、协调和传播“绿色革命”的研究。今天,许多这样的中心与一个被称为cgiar(国际农业研究咨询小组)的整体协调机构合作运作。对绿色革命的普通批评认为,它是一场自上而下的、现代主义的、过度技术官僚主义的努力,主要是由来自发达国家的“专家”精心策划的,尽管大肆宣传,但几乎在任何地方都表现不佳。例如,化肥使用量的增加和灌溉工程的重要性的提高一般会造成不利的环境外部性,而谷物的推广往往会挤占更有营养食物的生产。据称,绿色革命的好处,比如它们的好处,主要是为大型商业农民积累的,这些农民加入了农业研究网络,能够负担得起混合动力车、肥料、灌溉和机械化设备的必要“一揽子”。结果,农村贫困持续存在,营养不良继续困扰着革命留下印记的大多数地区的人口。这本书的作者对绿色革命提供了另一种不同的批判性解释,为对农业、农业历史和经济发展感兴趣的读者提供了新的见解。尽管大多数绿色革命的批评者都是从社会科学或自然科学的角度来看待这个问题,但受过作物科学和社会科学培训的Baranski提供了一个更全面的批评,熟练地整理和整合了来自生物和社会领域的证据来支持她的主张。作者的批评主要集中在印度对原产于墨西哥的半矮秆杂交小麦的记录上,其关键在于她强调了作物科学文献中称为“广泛适应”的育种方法。这种方法优先培育可以在不同环境中生长的植物品种,而无需根据当地条件进行太多调整。根据Baranski的说法,这种方法在现实世界中存在的问题是,大多数这样的品种主要——有时只有——在有利的生态/农业环境中,拥有良好的土地、充足的肥料和充足的灌溉设施。在Baranski看来,广泛适应背后的基本前提是,这样的生态环境在最不发达国家很常见,具有理想特征的混合动力车可以广泛传播,最终在生产力、粮食安全、减贫和农业部门发展方面取得令人印象深刻的成果。然而,这个前提被证明是错误的,因为最不发达国家的大多数农民都很穷,他们在旱地或旱地耕作,没有灌溉,也没有多少肥料。因此,尽管绿色革命的总体收益似乎相当可观,但它们的分配并不均衡,许多农民和地区被排除在外。作者认为,这一结果并不令人惊讶,因为该研究的自上而下、非情境化的性质,没有考虑到当地的生态环境和社会经济条件,从一开始就严重限制了其潜力。 这种方法的不幸遗产仍然影响着今天农业发展领域的农业研究议程。这本书对绿色革命进行了有力的批评,虽然有些不平衡,但它低估了绿色革命的成功,同时强调了它的局限性。作者很早就承认,年轻时她崇拜博洛格,在某些方面,她那本薄薄的书读起来像是一个感到被背叛的人的作品。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.60
自引率
20.00%
发文量
68
期刊介绍: The Journal of Interdisciplinary History features substantive articles, research notes, review essays, and book reviews relating historical research and work in applied fields-such as economics and demographics. Spanning all geographical areas and periods of history, topics include: - social history - demographic history - psychohistory - political history - family history - economic history - cultural history - technological history
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Weather-Based Disasters and Farming Communities in the Western Alps, 1650–1850 The Paradox of Abolition: Sugar Production and Slave Demography in Danish St. Croix, 1792–1804 Money for Everyone English Private Money, 1648–1672 The Lumumba Legacy and the Enduring Tragedy of the Congo
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