{"title":"<i>Indigenous Continent: The Epic Contest for North America</i> by Pekka Hämäläinen","authors":"Andrew K. Frank","doi":"10.1162/jinh_r_01996","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"In this sweeping synthesis, Hämäläinen tells a continental story, one that centers the enduring presence and power of America’s Indigenous peoples across centuries. Pushing back against narratives of declension and erasure, Hämäläinen reminds readers that North America “remained overwhelmingly Indigenous well into the nineteenth century.” Instead of focusing on “colonial America,” he writes “we should speak of an Indigenous America that was only slowly and unevenly becoming colonial” (ix).The central argument of the book will not surprise readers who are familiar with recent early American historiography. Many scholars have demonstrated that North America remained “Native Ground” for much longer than historians once acknowledged, and many U.S. history textbooks now routinely center Indigenous people in the history of what Wulf dubbed “vast Early America.” Perhaps in the pursuit of reaching a non-scholarly audience, Hämäläinen unfortunately does not directly acknowledge this literature, despite largely relying on some of it for his evidence and argument. He instead casts his argument against the myth that white European colonists rapidly dominated the New World after their arrival.The book struggles to escape the contradiction between its title and subtitle. For as much as the rhetoric of the volume emphasizes the enduring “Indigenous Continent,” the book focuses on the diplomatic events and military battles that ultimately tilted the balance of power in this “epic contest for North America.” The story of resistance and dispossession unfolds without equal attention to who was resisting or what was being dispossessed. As the volume proceeds, its geographic scope shrinks, the contest becomes increasingly defined by the dominance of the United States, and the “Indigenous Continent” becomes less continental.Hämäläinen resolves this contradiction in a way that pushes back on one of the major trends of recent Indigenous history. Whereas a generation of scholars has detailed how North America remained Indigenous space long after the nineteenth century, Hämäläinen describes a world where Native Americans gradually lost their power in a westward fashion. The volume even ends roughly when the census revealed to Frederick Jackson Turner that the frontier had closed. Exceptions like the discussion of the Pueblo Revolt disrupt the Turnerian feel, and Hämäläinen describes prolonged and successful Indigenous resistance as he carries the narrative west (183–186). These discussions, though, ultimately leave no space to explore the enduring power or presence of Indigenous people. The Eastern Woodlands, for instance, appear near the start of the volume but the Powhatans and various Algonquian speakers receive little attention after the eighteenth century. Indian Removal cuts the story of the southeast off in the 1830s, with the Cherokees and other Native Southerners hardly appearing at all afterward. The story on the Plains similarly comes to an all-too-familiar end. In essence, the Indigenous continent gets buried at Wounded Knee.At times, the epic scale and limited source base leads Hämäläinen to write a narrative that is 3000-miles wide and an inch deep, with curious observations littering often dazzling prose. Some conclusions, for example, flatten the Indigenous context. For example, readers learn that “in North America [prior to European contact], leaders were not autocrats commanding and coercing subjects. They were instead arbitrators and facilitators striving for consensus” (23). Similar intellectual oddities and omissions exist elsewhere. Scholars of the Native South, for example, will note the absence of Ethridge and the work on the shatter zone or the classic works of Hudson on Soto and the entradas.1 As a result, the book describes the region’s depopulation as occurring much faster and more completely than recent scholars have asserted. Similarly, in his chapter on “The Long Removal Era,” the author inexplicably ignores Reed’s pioneering work on the topic, the very work that is echoed in the chapter’s title.2 The omission of Reed’s work results in a narrative of forced removal that is startling abrupt; Hämäläinen starts the discussion too late and does not mention life in Indian Territory or in the east after removal.Despite these shortcomings, Hämäläinen provides a well-needed term that describes the enduring presence and power of Indigenous peoples across the continent. Although the idea is hardly new, scholars and others will likely borrow this useful term and refer to the “Indigenous Continent” for years to come. As a result, it will be widely read, likely assigned, and most likely cited as emblematic of a literature that it does not quite reflect.","PeriodicalId":46755,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Interdisciplinary History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3000,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Interdisciplinary History","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1162/jinh_r_01996","RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"HISTORY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
In this sweeping synthesis, Hämäläinen tells a continental story, one that centers the enduring presence and power of America’s Indigenous peoples across centuries. Pushing back against narratives of declension and erasure, Hämäläinen reminds readers that North America “remained overwhelmingly Indigenous well into the nineteenth century.” Instead of focusing on “colonial America,” he writes “we should speak of an Indigenous America that was only slowly and unevenly becoming colonial” (ix).The central argument of the book will not surprise readers who are familiar with recent early American historiography. Many scholars have demonstrated that North America remained “Native Ground” for much longer than historians once acknowledged, and many U.S. history textbooks now routinely center Indigenous people in the history of what Wulf dubbed “vast Early America.” Perhaps in the pursuit of reaching a non-scholarly audience, Hämäläinen unfortunately does not directly acknowledge this literature, despite largely relying on some of it for his evidence and argument. He instead casts his argument against the myth that white European colonists rapidly dominated the New World after their arrival.The book struggles to escape the contradiction between its title and subtitle. For as much as the rhetoric of the volume emphasizes the enduring “Indigenous Continent,” the book focuses on the diplomatic events and military battles that ultimately tilted the balance of power in this “epic contest for North America.” The story of resistance and dispossession unfolds without equal attention to who was resisting or what was being dispossessed. As the volume proceeds, its geographic scope shrinks, the contest becomes increasingly defined by the dominance of the United States, and the “Indigenous Continent” becomes less continental.Hämäläinen resolves this contradiction in a way that pushes back on one of the major trends of recent Indigenous history. Whereas a generation of scholars has detailed how North America remained Indigenous space long after the nineteenth century, Hämäläinen describes a world where Native Americans gradually lost their power in a westward fashion. The volume even ends roughly when the census revealed to Frederick Jackson Turner that the frontier had closed. Exceptions like the discussion of the Pueblo Revolt disrupt the Turnerian feel, and Hämäläinen describes prolonged and successful Indigenous resistance as he carries the narrative west (183–186). These discussions, though, ultimately leave no space to explore the enduring power or presence of Indigenous people. The Eastern Woodlands, for instance, appear near the start of the volume but the Powhatans and various Algonquian speakers receive little attention after the eighteenth century. Indian Removal cuts the story of the southeast off in the 1830s, with the Cherokees and other Native Southerners hardly appearing at all afterward. The story on the Plains similarly comes to an all-too-familiar end. In essence, the Indigenous continent gets buried at Wounded Knee.At times, the epic scale and limited source base leads Hämäläinen to write a narrative that is 3000-miles wide and an inch deep, with curious observations littering often dazzling prose. Some conclusions, for example, flatten the Indigenous context. For example, readers learn that “in North America [prior to European contact], leaders were not autocrats commanding and coercing subjects. They were instead arbitrators and facilitators striving for consensus” (23). Similar intellectual oddities and omissions exist elsewhere. Scholars of the Native South, for example, will note the absence of Ethridge and the work on the shatter zone or the classic works of Hudson on Soto and the entradas.1 As a result, the book describes the region’s depopulation as occurring much faster and more completely than recent scholars have asserted. Similarly, in his chapter on “The Long Removal Era,” the author inexplicably ignores Reed’s pioneering work on the topic, the very work that is echoed in the chapter’s title.2 The omission of Reed’s work results in a narrative of forced removal that is startling abrupt; Hämäläinen starts the discussion too late and does not mention life in Indian Territory or in the east after removal.Despite these shortcomings, Hämäläinen provides a well-needed term that describes the enduring presence and power of Indigenous peoples across the continent. Although the idea is hardly new, scholars and others will likely borrow this useful term and refer to the “Indigenous Continent” for years to come. As a result, it will be widely read, likely assigned, and most likely cited as emblematic of a literature that it does not quite reflect.
在这个全面的综合中,Hämäläinen讲述了一个大陆故事,一个以美国土著民族几个世纪以来持久存在和力量为中心的故事。Hämäläinen反驳了衰落和抹去的叙述,提醒读者北美“直到19世纪仍以绝大多数土著居民为主”。他写道,“我们应该谈论一个只是缓慢而不均匀地成为殖民地的土著美洲”,而不是关注“殖民美洲”。这本书的中心论点不会让熟悉美国近代早期史学的读者感到惊讶。许多学者已经证明,北美保持“土著土地”的时间比历史学家曾经承认的要长得多,许多美国历史教科书现在经常把土著居民放在伍尔夫所谓的“广阔的早期美洲”历史的中心。也许是为了达到非学术读者的目的,Hämäläinen不幸地没有直接承认这些文献,尽管在很大程度上依赖其中的一些作为他的证据和论点。相反,他反驳了欧洲白人殖民者抵达新大陆后迅速统治新大陆的神话。这本书努力避免标题和副标题之间的矛盾。尽管这本书的修辞强调了持久的“土著大陆”,但这本书关注的是最终在这场“北美史诗竞赛”中改变力量平衡的外交事件和军事战斗。反抗和被剥夺的故事展开时,没有同等的关注是谁在反抗,什么被剥夺。随着这本书的出版,它的地理范围缩小了,这场竞争越来越被美国的主导地位所界定,“土著大陆”变得越来越少continental.Hämäläinen以一种方式解决了这一矛盾,它推翻了最近土著历史的一个主要趋势。尽管一代学者详细描述了19世纪后北美如何长期保持土著空间,但Hämäläinen描述了一个美洲原住民逐渐以西进方式失去权力的世界。当人口普查向弗雷德里克·杰克逊·特纳(Frederick Jackson Turner)透露边境已经关闭时,这一卷甚至大致结束了。像普韦布洛起义的讨论这样的例外打破了特纳的感觉,Hämäläinen在他向西叙述的过程中描述了长期而成功的土著抵抗(183-186)。然而,这些讨论最终没有留下空间来探索土著人民的持久力量或存在。例如,东部林地出现在卷的开头,但波瓦坦人和各种阿尔冈昆语使用者在18世纪之后很少受到关注。《印第安人的迁徙》在19世纪30年代切断了东南部的故事,切罗基人和其他南方原住民在那之后几乎没有出现过。大平原上的故事也有一个非常熟悉的结局。本质上,土著大陆被埋葬在伤膝。有时,史诗般的规模和有限的资源基础使得Hämäläinen写出了一篇3000英里宽、一英寸深的叙事,其中充斥着令人眼花缭乱的散文,其中充满了奇怪的观察。例如,有些结论将土著背景简单化了。例如,读者了解到“在北美[在与欧洲接触之前],领导人不是发号施令和胁迫臣民的独裁者。相反,他们是努力达成共识的仲裁者和调解人”(23)。类似的智力怪癖和疏漏在其他地方也存在。例如,研究南方土著的学者会注意到,没有埃斯里奇和关于破碎地带的著作,也没有哈德逊关于索托和entradas的经典著作因此,这本书对该地区人口减少的描述比最近学者们所断言的要快得多,也要彻底得多。同样,在他的“长期迁移时代”一章中,作者莫名其妙地忽略了里德在这一主题上的开创性工作,而这一工作正是这一章的标题所呼应的里德作品的遗漏导致了一种令人吃惊的突然的强迫搬迁的叙述;Hämäläinen开始讨论太迟了,没有提到搬迁后印第安领土或东部的生活。尽管存在这些缺点,Hämäläinen提供了一个非常需要的术语,描述了整个大陆上土著人民的持久存在和力量。虽然这个想法并不新鲜,但学者和其他人可能会借用这个有用的术语,并在未来几年提到“土著大陆”。因此,它将被广泛阅读,很可能被指定,很可能被引用,作为一种文学的象征,而它并没有完全反映出来。
期刊介绍:
The Journal of Interdisciplinary History features substantive articles, research notes, review essays, and book reviews relating historical research and work in applied fields-such as economics and demographics. Spanning all geographical areas and periods of history, topics include: - social history - demographic history - psychohistory - political history - family history - economic history - cultural history - technological history