Bringing the Young and the Tech into Indonesia’s Digital Education Politics and the Geopolitical Impact

Abstract

AbstractIndonesia’s appointment of an ex-CEO of a home-grown tech company in reforming the bureaucracy raises the question of how the government is reshaping its role in education politics in an era of digital transformation. This is a question important not only in understanding domestic politics but also in understanding foreign relations of human capital development.This article analyzes the case of the Indonesian government’s decision in 2019 to bring in the tech and the young to the Ministry of Education and Culture. The author argues that this decision was made both for the country and for the bureaucracy’s survival and for seeking competitiveness in a leapfrogging manner. This decision goes against the conventional understanding that in the state-society relationship, digital transformation in the bureaucracy is lagging behind and corporations are moving ahead. For Indonesia, with its strong motivation to accelerate national development and counter digital colonialism, a unique political-economic alliance and partnership was made for dramatic bureaucratic reform.This leapfrogging reform also implies that diplomatic mismatch is likely to happen in an international human capital development agenda where bureaucratic cooperation is increasingly necessary but the difference in bureaucratic reforms widens. AcknowledgementThis work was supported by JSPS KAKENHI Grant Number JP22H03840 and Research Project “Geopolitics of Digital Authoritarianization and Democratization” undertaken by the Research Institute of Economy, Trade and Industry (RIETI) and Kyushu University.Notes1 ASEAN Summit 2023, “Epicentrum of Growth,” ASEAN-Indonesia 2023. (https://asean2023.id/en/page/asean-2023/epicentrum-of-growth).2 This government-led ICT reform as a critical national agenda, along with the emergence of the knowledge economy, has been repeatedly touted in the United Nations (UN) and Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) arena. The early version is the United Nations Commission on Science and Technology for Development, Report of the Working Group on ICTs for Development prepared for the 3rd Session: May 12, 1997.3 US Mission to ASEAN, “Joint Statement on Human Capital Development,” November 14, 2020. (https://asean.usmission.gov/joint-statement-on-human-capital-development-at-the-8th-asean-u-s-summit/)4 His company Gojek, which initially started two-wheeled ride-hailing services and courier delivery, has now transformed into a super app, providing more than 20 services ranging from transportation, food delivery, groceries, massage, house cleaning, and logistics to a cashless digital payment platform called GoPay. The company has gained the status of “decacorn,” a financial term for a startup company that has grown its value to at least $10 billion.5 The Ministry of Education and Culture was named the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research and Technology after the merger of the Ministry of Education and Culture and the Ministry of Research and Technology in 2021.6 Office of Assistant to Deputy Cabinet Secretary for State Documents & Translation, “President Jokowi Names 7 Millennials as Presidential Special Staff,” November 21, 2019. (https://setkab.go.id/en/president-jokowi-names-7-millennials-as-presidential-special-staff/)7 “Jokowi picks young people to presidential expert staff for their ‘fresh, innovative ideas’” - National - The Jakarta Post. (https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2019/11/21/jokowi-picks-young-people-to-presidential-expert-staff-for-their-fresh-innovative-ideas.html.)8 Alex Thompson, “A Google billionaire’s fingerprints are all over Biden’s science office,” Politico.com, March 28, 2022. (https://www.politico.com/news/2022/03/28/google-billionaire-joe-biden-science-office-00020712) Notably, Eric Schmidt’s Schmidt Futures issued a statement to deny the gist of this reporting by referring to “The unsubstantiated thesis of the article is that there was undue influence over the department, which there was not.” This is a clear signal that the “influence” has been considered politically illegitimate, contrasting with the Indonesian case. Schmidt Futures, “Statement on Science Funding,” March 28, 2022. (https://www.schmidtfutures.com/our-work/statement-on-science-funding/). Schmidt’s denial was reported on March 29, 2022 (https://www.cnbc.com/2022/03/29/ex-google-ceo-eric-schmidt-responds-to-white-house-related-allegations.html).9 Indonesia has a Ministry of Communication and Informatics.10 Nobuhiro Aizawa, “Indonesian Views and Perceptions on National Security,” Security Studies, Vol. 03 No. 02 June 2021. Also in The Jakarta Post October 23, 2019. (https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2019/10/23/work-fast-work-hard-jokowi-conveys-hopes-for-his-new-cabinet-members.html).11 Andrew Rosser, Beyond access: Making Indonesia’s education system work, Lowyinstitute.org, February 21, 2018. (https://www.lowyinstitute.org/publications/beyond-access-making-indonesia-s-education-system-work#_ednref29)12 Laila Afifah, editor, “Jokowi Asks Nadiem Makarim to Conduct Major Reform in Curriculum,” TEMPO.co website, November 1, 2019. (https://en.tempo.co/read/1266992/jokowi-asks-nadiem-makarim-to-conduct-major-reform-in-curriculum)13 “Merah Putih,” or “Red and White,” is a term referring to Indonesia’s National Flag.14 Erwida Maulia, “Motorbike taxi Go-Jek’s Indonesia driver appeal backfires as rivalry heats up,” Nikkei Asia newspaper, April 22, 2016. (https://asia.nikkei.com/Business/Motorbike-taxi-Go-Jek-s-Indonesia-driver-appeal-backfires-as-rivalry-heats-up)15 Gojek gained major investments from major foreign funds such as Softbank Group Corp., Alibaba Group Holding Limited, and Google LLC, to name a few among the long list of foreign investors. This “national” claim was soon refuted by Tech in Asia (English-language technology media company) (https://www.techinasia.com/) reporting that Gojek is supported by Singaporean, American, and Chinese venture capital and also that Gojek is acquiring foreign companies, such as two Indian startups—the Bangalore-based C42 Engineering India Pvt. Ltd. And the Delhi-based CodeIgnition Software Solutions Pvt. Ltd.—in 2015. The motive behind Gojek’s acquisition of the two Indian start-up techs was to build a research and development center in Bangalore and, at the same time to take advantage of the startup and tech experience in India. Consequently, Gojek managed to launch 19 new products, which resulted in the skyrocketing of Gojek’s transactions as much as nine-hundredfold. This shows that while claiming its “national” status, his operation and investment practices are essentially growing transnational.16 List of apps they produced and the annotation are cited from GovTech Edu portal (https://www.govtechedu.id/our-work-impact).17 GovTech Edu portal (https://www.govtechedu.id/about-us)18 Nadiem Makarim: “We Have to Bring In Outsiders,” TEMPO, October 17, 2022. https://en.tempo.co/read/1646723/nadiem-makarim-we-have-to-bring-in-outsiders#:~:text=Education%2C%20Culture%2C%20Research%2C%20and%20Technology%20Minister%20Nadiem%20Makarim,Headquarters%20in%20New%20York%2C%20United%20States%2C%20last%20September.19 Ibid.20 According to an Indikator Politik Indonesia survey of 1,520 respondents (June 19, 2022) cited in TEMPO, October 17, 2022. A total of 69.4% responded Very Satisfactory or Satisfactory regarding his work, and to the question “Do you believe Nadiem can advance education?” 65.9% responded either “very much so” or “Yes.”21 Ong, J. C., & Tapsell, R. “Demystifying disinformation shadow economies: Fake news work models in Indonesia and the Philippines,” Asian Journal of Communication, 32(3), 2022, pp251–267.SAFEnet, Digital Rights Situation Report Indonesia 2021: “The digital rights situation in Indonesia is still not getting better. While the pandemic is getting under control, digital repression is actually getting higher.” SAFEnet, May 3, 2022. (https://safenet.or.id/in-indonesia-digital-repression-is-keep-continues/)22 Yatun Sastramidjaja and Wijayanto point out that, especially since 2019, cyber troop operations have played a crucial role in three controversial events in which public opinion had been initially critical of the government policy at issue. These were, first, the revision of the Law on the Commission for the Eradication of Criminal Acts of Corruption in September 2019; second, the launch of the New Normal policy during the COVID-19 pandemic in May 2020; and third, the passing of the Omnibus Law on Job Creation in October 2020. Yatun Sastramidjaja and Wijayanto, Cyber Troops, Online Manipulation of Public Opinion and Co-optation of Indonesia’s Cybersphere, Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2022.23 Ibid.Ward Berenschot, Yatun Sastramidjaya, Wijayanto, and Ismail Fahmi, “The threat of cyber troops,” Inside Indonesia website, 146 (2021), https://www.insideindonesia.org/editions/edition-146-oct-dec-2021/the-threat-of-cyber-troops.24 Yatun Sastramidjaya and Wijayanto 2020, “JBD Klaim Bayar Pesohor dari Sumbangan Akademikus dan Pengusaha,” Koran Tempo website, August 18, 2020. (https://koran.tempo.co/read/nasional/456902/jbd-klaim-bayar-pesohor-dari-sumbangan-akademikus-dan-pengusaha)25 At the time of writing, May 2023.26 Outside of the ministerial position, we could find roles such as ex-Google Chief Eric Schmidt chairing the National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence between 2018 and 2021 (https://www.nscai.gov/commissioners/). For diplomatic occasions, we would see the names of top tech company CEOs listed in the State dinner guest list. (https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2023/06/22/white-house-releases-state-dinner-guest-list-2/)27 “Biden’s antitrust push moves to courts as Google, Big Tech fight back,” The Washington Post, February 26, 2023 (https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2023/02/26/antitrust-google-doj-tech/)28 Ibid.29 “China regulator fines Alibaba, Tencent for disclosure violations,” Reuters.com July 10, 2022. (https://www.reuters.com/world/china/china-regulator-fines-alibaba-tencent-disclosure-violations-2022-07-10/)30 “Didi says removal of the app in China will affect business,” BBC.com, July 5, 2021. (https://www.bbc.com/news/business-57716131)31 “China’s Government to Take Golden Shares in Alibaba, Tencent,” Bloomberg.com, January 13, 2023. (https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2023-01-13/alibaba-tencent-fall-after-report-beijing-taking-golden-shares)32 Winston Ma, “Breaking the Big Tech Monopoly: The Coming Decade of Big Tech Regulations.” Horizons: Journal of International Relations and Sustainable Development, no. 18, 2021, pp. 166–79.33 Ibid.34 OECD, Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) results from PISA 2018, Indonesia, 2018. (https://www.oecd.org/pisa/publications/PISA2018_CN_IDN.pdf)35 Nadiem’s perspective of the low-performing education system as an advantage for reform was addressed in a podcast with former Minister of Commerce Gita Wirjawan. “Nadiem Makarim: Siap DihujatDemi Bela Generasi Berikutnya(Nadiem Makarim: Ready to take any words of blasphemy for the sake of defending the upcoming generation)” Endgame, January 11, 2023. (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TSER7bEmkXg)36 A sign of this trend could already be seen in the Indonesian President’s visit to the US in 2022. When Joko Widodo visited the US for the US-ASEAN summit meeting, he showcased his meeting with Elon Musk at the SpaceX facility to his fellow Indonesians more than his meeting with US President Joe Biden.37 The traditional concept of national interest in developing human capital, which is centered around the values of national development, national security, and fairness, could be quickly transformed into, for example, applicability, scalability, and swiftness.Additional informationNotes on contributorsAizawa NobuhiroAizawa Nobuhiro is Associate Professor of Graduate School of Social and Cultural Studies, Kyushu University. His research focus is international relations between Northeast and Southeast Asia. His particular interest lies in Southeast Asian politics, especially on Indonesia and Thailand. He currently works on a project analyzing international politics of digital infrastructure and the emerging Southeast Asian elite network on the rise of the Asian digital economy. He has been a Wilson Center Japan Scholar, a Visiting Scholar at Thammasat University, Chulalongkorn University, Cornell University, and Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), (currently the National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN)) of Indonesia. He is a former Research Associate at the Institute of Development Economies-JETRO, National Graduate Institute of Policy Studies.