The ideological roots of Mongolia’s democratic revolution: Nergui’s theory of “latent colonialism” and its interpretations

IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q4 ANTHROPOLOGY Inter-Asia Cultural Studies Pub Date : 2023-09-19 DOI:10.1080/14649373.2023.2242152
Zul Zugeerbai
{"title":"The ideological roots of Mongolia’s democratic revolution: Nergui’s theory of “latent colonialism” and its interpretations","authors":"Zul Zugeerbai","doi":"10.1080/14649373.2023.2242152","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTRegarding the origin, purpose, and political connotation of the Mongolian democratic revolution, academic circles have rarely mentioned the “theory-ideology-policy” of the Mongolian economist and revolutionary theorist, Pagam Nergui. Nonetheless, his research and participation had a significant impact on the Mongolian democratic revolution, which lasted from 1989 to 1990. According to Nergui, the Mongolian democratic revolution was nipped in the bud without achieving its goal three decades ago. The most significant difference between the perspectives of Nergui and most other scholars is that he believed Mongolia’s democratic revolution was affected not only by the democratization of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe but also by the hardships endured by the Mongolian people due to the control and the oppression of “latent colonialism” by the Soviet Union, along with the burden of huge debts accumulated over seven decades. Nergui concluded that the Mongolian people must promote an outright change of the country’s social structure to achieve its revolutionary goals.KEYWORDS: MongoliaNerguithe former Soviet Unionlatent colonialismsystemic crisisnationalismdemocratic revolution AcknowledgementsUtmost appreciation goes to Professor Wang, Fu-Chang (Institute of Sociology, Academia Sinica) and Professor Poe Yu-Ze Wan (Department of Sociology, National Sun Yat-sen University) for offering invaluable suggestions during the process of revising this research paper and commenting on the final manuscript.Notes1 The Sino-Soviet Agreement was an agreement signed by the Soviet Union and China on 31 May 1924. China recognized the Soviet government, and the Soviet Union promised to withdraw its troops from Outer Mongolia completely and recognized Outer Mongolia as part of Chinese territory.2 A latent colonialist state is a state that appears to be independent of the colonized state, but is in fact subject to external states in all respects.3 The Soviet chauvinism refers to dominant power chauvinism. In international relations, larger countries do not respect the independence and equal status of smaller ones, and even impose their will on others, so as to damage their sovereignty and interests in each other.4 “Systemic crisis,” also known as the three major crises, includes the economic crisis of 1981, the political crisis of 1984, and the ideological crisis of 1987.5 Enkhsaihan Mendsaikhan was the Prime Minister of Mongolia from 1996 to 2000, representing the Mongolian Democratic Union.6 “Material-technical basis” is the material-technical conditions on which production relations depend. The material and technological base refers to the production of large machines with high labor productivity based on modern advanced technology that is widely used in industry, agriculture, and other sectors of the national economy (Wilczynsk Citation1981, 345).7 “Fixed capital” refers to the capital used to purchase durable labor materials such as machinery, equipment, tools, and workshops, and is a part of constant capital. Dictionary of Marxist Principles (Wilczynsk Citation1981, 191).8 “Developed colonialism” (хөгжингүй колониализм) refers to the further advancement of latent colonialism.9 Including Nergui, the Director of the Comprehensive Planning Department of the National Economic Planning Committee, Maidar, Member of the Political Bureau and Deputy Minister of the Council of Ministers, and Tsendenbal, President and General Secretary of the State.10 Y. Tsedenbal (Юмжаагийн Цэдэнбал, 1916–1991) was elected General Secretary of the Central Committee of the MPRP in 1940, took over as Chairman of the Council of Ministers in 1952 and continued to serve as General Secretary. After that, he was elected Chairman of the People’s Great Hural Presidium in 1974. He ruled the MPR for 44 years from 1940 to 1984, a period of great leadership (Sanders Citation2010, 704).11 Leonid Brezhnev (Леонид Брежнев, 1906–1982), Soviet leader and marshal. He was General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and held power for 18 years (1964–1982).12 Erdenet (Эрдэнэт) later became the second largest city in Mongolia.13 J. Batmunkh (Ж.Батмөнх, 1926–1997) was the general secretary of the Central Committee of the MPRP and the chairman of the People’s Great Hural Presidium of the MPR. On 14 May 1990, Batmunkh resigned from his party leadership position, and then on 21 May, resigned from his state leadership position. He died on 14 May 1997. (Sanders Citation2010, 97–98).14 D. Molomjamts (Д. Моломжамц, 1920–2006), Deputy Minister of Finance of Mongolia from 1946 to 1948, Minister of Finance from 1948 to 1957, Vice-Chairman of the Council of Ministers and State Central Planning Committee Chairman from 1958 to 1964, and Second Secretary General of the MPRP (1964–1990).15 B. Dejid (Б.Дэжид) was then the chairman of the Party Control Committee and a member of the Political Bureau of the MPRP.16 D. Tumur-Ochir (Д.Төмөр-Очир, 1921–1985), is a politician of the MPR, also member of the Politburo and Second Secretary of the Central Committee of the MPRP from 1962.Additional informationFundingThis article was subsidized for English editing by National Taiwan University under the Excellence Improvement Program for Doctoral Students [grant number 108-2926-I-002-002-MY4], sponsored by the Ministry of Science and Technology, Taiwan.Notes on contributorsZul ZugeerbaiZul Zugeerbai currently is a Ph.D candidate at the Graduate Institute of National Development at the National Taiwan University. His research interests include political economy, politics, neoliberal reform and the democratic revolution of Mongolia. Zul’s first publication “Reinterpretation of the Metamorphic Yuli Belt: Evidence for a Middle-late Miocene Accretionary Prism in Eastern Taiwan” was published in 2017 in Tectonic Journal as a corresponding-author. His second publication “An Inefficacious Shock Therapy?: A Critical Analysis of Mongolian Neoliberal Reforms” was published in 2022 in the Mongolian Journal of International Affairs. His current work focuses on writing a Ph.D dissertation.","PeriodicalId":46080,"journal":{"name":"Inter-Asia Cultural Studies","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3000,"publicationDate":"2023-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Inter-Asia Cultural Studies","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14649373.2023.2242152","RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q4","JCRName":"ANTHROPOLOGY","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

ABSTRACTRegarding the origin, purpose, and political connotation of the Mongolian democratic revolution, academic circles have rarely mentioned the “theory-ideology-policy” of the Mongolian economist and revolutionary theorist, Pagam Nergui. Nonetheless, his research and participation had a significant impact on the Mongolian democratic revolution, which lasted from 1989 to 1990. According to Nergui, the Mongolian democratic revolution was nipped in the bud without achieving its goal three decades ago. The most significant difference between the perspectives of Nergui and most other scholars is that he believed Mongolia’s democratic revolution was affected not only by the democratization of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe but also by the hardships endured by the Mongolian people due to the control and the oppression of “latent colonialism” by the Soviet Union, along with the burden of huge debts accumulated over seven decades. Nergui concluded that the Mongolian people must promote an outright change of the country’s social structure to achieve its revolutionary goals.KEYWORDS: MongoliaNerguithe former Soviet Unionlatent colonialismsystemic crisisnationalismdemocratic revolution AcknowledgementsUtmost appreciation goes to Professor Wang, Fu-Chang (Institute of Sociology, Academia Sinica) and Professor Poe Yu-Ze Wan (Department of Sociology, National Sun Yat-sen University) for offering invaluable suggestions during the process of revising this research paper and commenting on the final manuscript.Notes1 The Sino-Soviet Agreement was an agreement signed by the Soviet Union and China on 31 May 1924. China recognized the Soviet government, and the Soviet Union promised to withdraw its troops from Outer Mongolia completely and recognized Outer Mongolia as part of Chinese territory.2 A latent colonialist state is a state that appears to be independent of the colonized state, but is in fact subject to external states in all respects.3 The Soviet chauvinism refers to dominant power chauvinism. In international relations, larger countries do not respect the independence and equal status of smaller ones, and even impose their will on others, so as to damage their sovereignty and interests in each other.4 “Systemic crisis,” also known as the three major crises, includes the economic crisis of 1981, the political crisis of 1984, and the ideological crisis of 1987.5 Enkhsaihan Mendsaikhan was the Prime Minister of Mongolia from 1996 to 2000, representing the Mongolian Democratic Union.6 “Material-technical basis” is the material-technical conditions on which production relations depend. The material and technological base refers to the production of large machines with high labor productivity based on modern advanced technology that is widely used in industry, agriculture, and other sectors of the national economy (Wilczynsk Citation1981, 345).7 “Fixed capital” refers to the capital used to purchase durable labor materials such as machinery, equipment, tools, and workshops, and is a part of constant capital. Dictionary of Marxist Principles (Wilczynsk Citation1981, 191).8 “Developed colonialism” (хөгжингүй колониализм) refers to the further advancement of latent colonialism.9 Including Nergui, the Director of the Comprehensive Planning Department of the National Economic Planning Committee, Maidar, Member of the Political Bureau and Deputy Minister of the Council of Ministers, and Tsendenbal, President and General Secretary of the State.10 Y. Tsedenbal (Юмжаагийн Цэдэнбал, 1916–1991) was elected General Secretary of the Central Committee of the MPRP in 1940, took over as Chairman of the Council of Ministers in 1952 and continued to serve as General Secretary. After that, he was elected Chairman of the People’s Great Hural Presidium in 1974. He ruled the MPR for 44 years from 1940 to 1984, a period of great leadership (Sanders Citation2010, 704).11 Leonid Brezhnev (Леонид Брежнев, 1906–1982), Soviet leader and marshal. He was General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and held power for 18 years (1964–1982).12 Erdenet (Эрдэнэт) later became the second largest city in Mongolia.13 J. Batmunkh (Ж.Батмөнх, 1926–1997) was the general secretary of the Central Committee of the MPRP and the chairman of the People’s Great Hural Presidium of the MPR. On 14 May 1990, Batmunkh resigned from his party leadership position, and then on 21 May, resigned from his state leadership position. He died on 14 May 1997. (Sanders Citation2010, 97–98).14 D. Molomjamts (Д. Моломжамц, 1920–2006), Deputy Minister of Finance of Mongolia from 1946 to 1948, Minister of Finance from 1948 to 1957, Vice-Chairman of the Council of Ministers and State Central Planning Committee Chairman from 1958 to 1964, and Second Secretary General of the MPRP (1964–1990).15 B. Dejid (Б.Дэжид) was then the chairman of the Party Control Committee and a member of the Political Bureau of the MPRP.16 D. Tumur-Ochir (Д.Төмөр-Очир, 1921–1985), is a politician of the MPR, also member of the Politburo and Second Secretary of the Central Committee of the MPRP from 1962.Additional informationFundingThis article was subsidized for English editing by National Taiwan University under the Excellence Improvement Program for Doctoral Students [grant number 108-2926-I-002-002-MY4], sponsored by the Ministry of Science and Technology, Taiwan.Notes on contributorsZul ZugeerbaiZul Zugeerbai currently is a Ph.D candidate at the Graduate Institute of National Development at the National Taiwan University. His research interests include political economy, politics, neoliberal reform and the democratic revolution of Mongolia. Zul’s first publication “Reinterpretation of the Metamorphic Yuli Belt: Evidence for a Middle-late Miocene Accretionary Prism in Eastern Taiwan” was published in 2017 in Tectonic Journal as a corresponding-author. His second publication “An Inefficacious Shock Therapy?: A Critical Analysis of Mongolian Neoliberal Reforms” was published in 2022 in the Mongolian Journal of International Affairs. His current work focuses on writing a Ph.D dissertation.
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蒙古民主革命的意识形态根源:聂尔贵的“潜在殖民主义”理论及其解释
关于蒙古民主革命的起源、目的和政治内涵,学术界很少提及蒙古经济学家、革命理论家涅尔吉的“理论-思想-政策”。尽管如此,他的研究和参与对1989年至1990年的蒙古民主革命产生了重大影响。根据Nergui的说法,蒙古民主革命在30年前就被扼杀在萌芽状态,没有实现其目标。涅尔吉的观点与大多数学者的观点最显著的区别在于,他认为蒙古的民主革命不仅受到苏联和东欧民主化的影响,而且受到苏联“潜在殖民主义”控制和压迫下蒙古人民所遭受的苦难以及70年来积累的巨额债务的影响。涅尔吉的结论是,蒙古人民必须推动国家社会结构的彻底变革,以实现其革命目标。在此特别感谢王福昌教授(中央研究院社会研究所)和万玉泽教授(国立中山大学社会学系)在论文修改和定稿批改过程中提供的宝贵意见。注1《中苏协定》是苏联和中国于1924年5月31日签订的一项协定。中国承认苏联政府,苏联承诺从外蒙古完全撤军,并承认外蒙古是中国领土的一部分潜在的殖民主义国家是指表面上独立于被殖民国家之外,但实际上在各方面都受制于外部国家的国家苏联沙文主义指的是霸权沙文主义。在国际关系中,大国不尊重小国的独立和平等地位,甚至把自己的意志强加于人,损害彼此的主权和利益“系统性危机”又称三大危机,包括1981年的经济危机、1984年的政治危机和1988年的意识形态危机。7.5恩赫赛汗·孟德赛汗于1996年至2000年担任蒙古总理,代表蒙古民主联盟。6“物质技术基础”是生产关系所依赖的物质技术条件。物质和技术基础是指在工业、农业和国民经济其他部门广泛使用的现代先进技术基础上生产具有高劳动生产率的大型机器(Wilczynsk citation1981,345)“固定资本”是指用于购买机器、设备、工具、车间等耐用劳动材料的资本,属于不变资本的一部分。8 .马克思主义原理词典(Wilczynsk citation1981,191)“发达殖民主义”(хөгжингүй колониализм)是指潜在殖民主义的进一步发展包括国家经济计划委员会综合计划部主任涅尔吉、政治局委员兼部长会议副部长迈达尔和总统兼国家总书记岑登巴尔。Y.次登巴尔(Юмжаагийн Цэдэнбал, 1916-1991)于1940年当选为人民革命党中央委员会总书记,1952年接任部长会议主席,并继续担任总书记。1974年当选为中国人民大呼拉尔主席团主席。从1940年到1984年,他统治了国会44年,这是一个伟大的领导时期(Sanders Citation2010, 704)列昂尼德·勃列日涅夫(Леонид Брежнев, 1906-1982),苏联领导人和元帅。他曾任苏联共产党中央委员会总书记,执政18年(1964-1982)额尔登涅(Эрдэнэт)后来成为蒙古第二大城市。Батмөнх, 1926-1997)是中华人民共和国中央委员会总书记和中华人民共和国人民大呼拉尔主席团主席。1990年5月14日,Batmunkh辞去了党的领导职务,然后在5月21日辞去了国家领导职务。他于1997年5月14日去世。(《科学通报》2010,97-98)D. Molomjamts (Д)。Моломжамц(1920-2006), 1946年至1948年蒙古财政部副部长,1948年至1957年蒙古财政部长,1958年至1964年蒙古部长会议副主席和国家中央计划委员会主席,1964年至1990年蒙古人民共和国第二秘书长B. Dejid (Б.Дэжид)当时是党控制委员会主席和人民革命党政治局成员。
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期刊介绍: The cultural question is among the most important yet difficult subjects facing inter-Asia today. Throughout the 20th century, worldwide competition over capital, colonial history, and the Cold War has jeopardized interactions among cultures. Globalization of technology, regionalization of economy and the end of the Cold War have opened up a unique opportunity for cultural exchanges to take place. In response to global cultural changes, cultural studies has emerged internationally as an energetic field of scholarship. Inter-Asia Cultural Studies gives a long overdue voice, throughout the global intellectual community, to those concerned with inter-Asia processes.
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