Socio-Legal Empowerment for Working Women in Bangladesh

Fauzia Erfan Ahmed, Jyotsana Parajuli, Anna Lucia Feldman
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Abstract

Abstract: Violence against working women strikes at the heart of economic empowerment programs—the very programs that are intended to empower them. If economic empowerment is defined as women's control over their income, violence as patriarchal deterrence prevents those women from controlling the money that they have worked so hard to earn. Therefore, women who earn are not inevitably empowered through their participation in the labor force. We argue that economic empowerment cannot be defined in terms of women's labor force participation alone. Gender-based violence sustains patriarchy. As part of the development of sociolegal empowerment theory, we introduce patriarchal deterrence as a new concept, which goes in tandem with patriarchal backlash theory, further clarifying analyses of low female labor force participation. As patriarchal backlash, violence punishes women who have joined the workforce; as patriarchal deterrence, it deters women from even starting to work. Arguing that income generation is insufficient, we present a theory of socio-legal empowerment as a necessary corollary of economic empowerment, which integrates concepts of legal empowerment and social accountability. Our theory has four components, which can be applied to assess a justice system. First is societal embeddedness, which measures how context-specific it is. For example, in Muslim countries, informal justice systems, which utilize feminist interpretations of Islam, are more embedded in local values and therefore more effective. By analyzing feminist interpretations of Islam as an imperative measure of effective justice systems for Muslim communities, we challenge Orientalist binaries of Islam versus women's rights. Second is social accountability, which assesses whether its verdicts and processes have social sanction. Third is its gender transformativeness, or social change potential, which addresses its capacity to build awareness. Fourth is its costs not only in terms of legal expenses but also of physical proximity which eliminates childcare expenses. In sum, we illustrate that earning income, though necessary, is insufficient for women's economic empowerment. Through the analysis of the NGO-ReformedShalish (informal justice system) in Bangladesh, we illustrate how socio-legal empowerment, in theory and practice, is also needed to empower working women.
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孟加拉国职业妇女的社会法律赋权
摘要:针对职业妇女的暴力袭击了经济赋权项目的核心,而这些项目正是旨在赋予她们权力的。如果经济赋权被定义为女性对自己收入的控制,那么作为父权威慑的暴力阻止了这些女性控制她们努力工作赚来的钱。因此,挣钱的妇女并非必然通过参加劳动力而获得权力。我们认为,经济赋权不能仅仅从女性劳动力参与的角度来定义。基于性别的暴力维持着父权制。作为社会法律赋权理论发展的一部分,我们将父权威慑作为一个新概念引入,并与父权反冲理论相结合,进一步澄清了对女性低劳动力参与率的分析。作为男权主义的反弹,暴力惩罚了加入劳动力队伍的女性;作为父权威慑,它甚至阻止女性开始工作。由于创收不足,我们提出了一种社会法律赋权理论,将其作为经济赋权的必然结果,该理论整合了法律赋权和社会责任的概念。我们的理论有四个组成部分,可用于评估司法系统。首先是社会嵌入性,它衡量的是情境的具体程度。例如,在穆斯林国家,利用对伊斯兰教的女权主义解释的非正式司法系统更深入当地价值观,因此更有效。通过分析女权主义者对伊斯兰教作为穆斯林社区有效司法体系的必要措施的解释,我们挑战了东方主义对伊斯兰教与妇女权利的二元对立。其次是社会责任,它评估法院的裁决和程序是否具有社会约束力。第三是它的性别转型性,或社会变革潜力,这解决了它建立意识的能力。第四是它的成本,不仅在法律费用方面,而且在地理上接近,这消除了儿童保育费用。总之,我们说明,赚取收入,虽然必要,是不够的妇女的经济赋权。通过对孟加拉国非政府组织reformmedshalish(非正式司法系统)的分析,我们说明了在理论和实践中,社会法律赋权如何也需要赋予职业妇女权力。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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