Thailand’s 2020–2021 Pro-Democracy Protests: Diversity, Conflict, and Solidarity

Abstract

AbstractBeyond its popular characterisation as an “anti-monarchy youth movement,” Thailand’s 2020–2021 pro-democracy movement brought together a diverse range of agendas, including feminism, poverty, and education reform along with shared political demands. This article explores these different agendas, their relationship to the protests, and their implications for the collective identity of democracy protestors. Drawing from 17 in-depth interviews with protestors, it was found that the protests were not only a platform to express political positions but also for pedagogical socialisation, where protestors learned about different social issues and the struggles of other protestors. These processes led them to understand authoritarianism and democracy with a structural lens, where in addition to authoritarian government and the monarchy, the protestors aim to uproot various institutions exercising practices or cultures resembling that of the authoritarian regime. Their understanding of democracy was similarly expansive, going beyond parliamentary politics to accommodate issues within their daily lived experience. The protestors retained a sense of solidarity by conceiving of democracy as necessarily entailing a diversity of views and subsequently disagreements and conflicts. The protestors’ structural approach means the 2020–2021 protests were unique and a novel development from previous protests in Thailand.Key Words: Authoritarianismcollective identitydemocracysocial movementsThailandThai politics AcknowledgementsI cannot thank the interviewees enough for sharing their stories, passion, and struggles. I am grateful to: Dr Kanokrat Lertchoosakul and Dr Michael Montesano for the conversation and guidance; Quah Say Jye for constructive feedback that helped improve the article; Jeerapat Prommongkol for the resources and contacts; and Woradon Yomjinda and Suchatkul Kempetch for feedback on an earlier draft. I thank participants at the workshops hosted by the Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore, and the Association of Mainland Southeast Asia Scholars for their helpful comments. I also thank the Journal of Contemporary Asia’s anonymous reviewers and the editor Dr Kevin Hewison for their time, careful reading, and feedback.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Formed by at least the two largest political parties, this form of government is most often used during national emergencies, such as political deadlocks. One of its implications is that the government would secure greater power while the opposition would shrink (Blander and Kenig Citation2020).2 For details on social media and the protests, see Penchan (Citation2020) and Aim (Citation2021a).3 Isan refers to the northeast region of Thailand, whose people have a long history of being stereotyped and discriminated against as uneducated and poor due to the lack of access to resources and opportunities (Manushya Foundation Citation2022).4 “Adjusting mindset” (ปรับทัศนคติ) refers to a programme, used by the military junta, whereby critics were required to report to military camps and were “convinced” to stop their anti-state advocacy or political campaigns (iLaw Citation2020b). This practice went beyond the individuals called in, acting as a psychological threat to civil society by implying that all activists were under surveillance. Veerapong (Citation2020) presents the stories of those who had undergone the programme.5 SOTUS stands for Seniority, Order, Tradition, Unity, and Spirit. It is a system often used in university orientation programmes that are intended for first-year students to bond with their seniors who usually organise the activities. The programmes are known to be patriarchal and abusive, ranging from scolding, forcing first years to drink alcohol, and physical and sexualised abuse (The MATTER, October 24, 2020).6 “Puppet” (หุ่นเชิด) is a common term used in Thai political discourse to refer to a position where the power depends on and is directed by another actor, such as “puppet government.” Some interviewees used the term “pawns” (ตัวหมาก) to refer to the same phenomenon.7 The vicious cycle refers to the coup-initiated oscillation between elected civilian governments and military dictatorship (see Chai-Anan Citation1982, 1–5).8 Khana Rasadorn’s plaque is a memorial of the Siamese Revolution. It is a brass-coloured round metal plate, placed on the ground between the base of the Equestrian Statue of King Chulalongkorn and Suea Pa Court in Bangkok, where Khana Rasadorn announced the change of government from absolute monarchy to democracy. The original plaque mysteriously disappeared in April 2017 (Prachatai, June 23, 2019).9 Interviewee 8 referred to the call for a change to females’ prefixes, which presently depend on one’s marital status, to a singular prefix like that of males (Interviewee 8, February 23, 2022).